Some people says the Chilean process is the worst among the ones addressed to replace constitutions in turbulent times. I wonder which criteria is used to base such an assessment. First of all, the process is ongoing, so **we still don’t know**. 1/
Second, when comparing with past some facts should be considered. In #Venezuela and #Ecuador constitutions were under control of the government, so huge majorities imposed rules. In Ecuador 2008, before arriving to this point there were crazy interventions. We studied it👇2/
Deputies removing members of the Tribunal Supremo Electoral, the TSE trying to dismiss deputies and at the end the President, sending the police to Congress to protect substitutes that sided with him against the parties from which they had been elected. #Ecuador 3/
In Venezuela 1999, a majoritarian electoral system gave 92% of the seats with 62% of votes (and 54% participation). The constitution was written in 120 days of the 180 given (something surprising if one thinks on the typical emerging debates, but there was no much debate)
In Bolivia, tensions raised everywhere and almost anytime. At the end, the assembly had to move from Sucre because the population (largely supportive of MAS) rejected the proposal of moving the capital. The assembly ended their work in 17 hours, with no opposition.
In #Iceland, after the economical crisis of 2008 and the social protests there were two attempts of changing the constitution. The famous crowdsourced constitution never entered into force (People didn't it 👇).
So, yes, let's fix a set of criteria for the analysis and a timing before comparing. And meanwhile, remember that the reasons why Chile needs a constitution remain.
• • •
Missing some Tweet in this thread? You can try to
force a refresh
Some voices claim that #Chile will follow Venezuela’s path in the constitutional convention. Nonsense. Two key differences: 1) the referendum to approve the convention in Venezuela was not agreed and gave rise to legal disputes 2) the ‘Chavismo’ controlled 92% of the seats.
In #Chile, the plebiscite to initiate the process was the result of social pressure answered by a pact between the main parties and after the election, last week is clear that nobody has the power to ‘impose’ its agenda.
In #Venezuela, contrary to the decisions of the Supreme Court and the referendum's results, just days after opening, the ANC declared in its own by-laws that it was an “original constituent power”, and therefore empowered to limit or dissolve the other branches of government.
Si el estallido social en Chile en 2019 hizo saltar por los aires la idea (muy cuestionada por muchos, igualmente) de que era un modelo de democracia liberal, ahora la pandemia ha hecho saltar por los aires ‘el milagro económico peruano’. 1/6
La economía que más creció en la región a lo largo de las últimas décadas llegó a la pandemia con 150 camas en unidades de emergencia para 30 millones de habitantes. Paula Muñoz, Martín Tanaka y Adriana Urrutia lo analizaron. 2/6 bit.ly/2P7L6HY
Conclusiones de la charla: 1) la voluntad política no alcanza. El presidente se rodeó de expertos, se ocupó de comunicar, tomó medidas rápidamente, aprobó ayudas económicas, compras de tablets para impulsar la educación online, etc. Pero no funcionó. 3/6