Thread by @nyeusi_waasi

Solidarity with the people of Senegal and the revolutionary blood that runs through their veins! They rising up Against Neo-Colonialism Politics 🇸🇳 ✊🏿

The country witnessed protests when schoolchildren in the #Ngor demanding a high school to be built instead of a police station. twitter.com/i/web/status/1…

A 15-year-old girl was killed and about 30 people were wounded by the security forces.

Senegal used to be one Africa’s most stable countries, with three major peaceful political transitions since independence in 1960. Economic growth has been among the highest in Africa between 2014 and 2018, remaining above 5 percent annually.

GDP growth was 6.7 % in 2016 and 5.3 % in 2019, down from 6.3 % in 2017.

However, even during this period, 40 % of the people live below the poverty line. It was clear that only a tiny elite benefited from the high economic growth. Deep in society, there was an accumulation of frustration and rage.

The COVID pandemic, with its restrictions on small-scale trading that forms the backbone of the economy, exacerbated the crisis.

Economic growth has slowed significantly to less than 1.3 percent in 2020, with services such as tourism, transport and exports particularly hard hit. The government has responded with what it calls “containment measures” and a “comprehensive economic stimulus plan”

However, the safety nets had massive holes. Millions of people fell into poverty, especially from the large informal sector.

Senegal is at a crossroads! The desperation of President Sall and his allies wanting to illegally hold onto power and run for a third term in the 2024 elections is evident.

This is equally met by resistance from the opposition, especially Pastef, an opposition party supported by an overwhelming youthful base.

Throughout Macky Sall's administration, much evidence is available of abuse of power and corruption to facilitate control of the systems and functions of the government by using the judiciary and law enforcement legally to suppress opponents and critics.

The abuse of state resources to influence support for President Sall’s entrenchment program and allowing the misuse of public finance to enrich his family, Political and business Patron to an unimaginable level since Senegal achieved its independence!

The report on the covid funds and the BBC documentary on the petrol saga reveal eye-watering abuses.

In turn, these realities have influenced strong support for the most vigorous opposition leader and party Ousman Sonko and the Pastef party and encouraged the resistance against his administration's illegal advances to an unimaginable level.

The proof of this statement above has been evident in the past two years since Opposition leader Ousman Sonko got arrested with his supporters claiming it was to damage his character and illegally prosecute him, leading to the continued confrontation

between his supporter and the state operative in the judiciary and law enforcement bodies.

to understand the real causes of the huge explosion of anger that followed the arrest of Sonko, it is necessary to look deeper than simply this individual. Since he took power in 2012, Sall seemed to be in total control of the situation.

The February 2019 presidential election saw him win a second term. In 2017, the coalition led by his Benno Bokk Yakaar party won 125 of 165 seats in the national assembly.

But there is a darker side to this. For years, all of his most prominent opponents, one after the other, have been arrested and charged with all kinds of allegations, making them ineligible to run against him.

Interestingly, the Financial Times link this to the involvement of the French:

“France maintains closer ties to its ex-colonies than most other former colonial powers in West Africa. France is more vested in the presidents and presidential candidates who will uphold France's interest.

That includes Senegal’s president Macky Sall, who has been accused of targeting his political opponents with investigations that would disqualify them from office.”

There has been a systematic and ongoing process of clamping down on anyone opposing Sall.

Abdou Karim Gueye, a rapper and activist, was arrested after publishing a live video on social media that encouraged people to join him in a peaceful protest following the unofficial announcement of the 2019 presidential election results.

He was charged with “calling for an unauthorised protest without weapons'' and “insults by means of press”.  He received a one-month suspended prison sentence and was fined.

In the aftermath of the presidential election, at least 17 opposition supporters were arrested for “public disorder and provocation of revolt”.

On 16 July that year, activist Guy Marius Sagna was arrested and questioned over his Facebook posts about the lack of adequate medical facilities in Senegal and for a post on Facebook about French military presence in Africa.

On 5 August, he was charged with “false alert of terrorism” and detained at Rebeuss prison in Dakar. He was released on bail on 16 August.

Adama Gaye, a journalist, was arrested on 29 July after publishing Facebook posts criticising President Sall. He was charged with “offending the Head of State” and ‘‘acting to compromise public security’’ before being released on bail on 20 September.

On 22 November, Oudy Diallo, an environmentalist, was arrested and detained at Kedougou prison after publishing a Facebook post in which he denounced the quotas of land allocated to administrative authorities. He was given a two-month suspended sentence and released on 2 December

On 14 June, authorities banned a demonstration in Dakar, organised by opposition parties and civil society organisations in protest against alleged corruption practices, implicating the Guediawaye Mayor, who is the president’s brother,

relating to oil and gas extraction projects in the country. At least 20 protesters were arrested.

Guy Marius Sagna, Prof. Babacar Diop and seven other activists were arrested on 29 November at a peaceful protest. They were charged with “participation in an unauthorised gathering”.

Sagna, out on bail from his July arrest over Facebook posts, was charged with “provocation of gathering” and “rebellion”.

In the eyes of the masses, who have been observing these events for years, the arrest of Sonko was part of this pattern. With Sonko eliminated, Sall would virtually run unopposed in the next election in 2024.

In addition to this, Sall has also launched a constitutional review process leading to talk that he might want to change the constitution to allow him to exceed his current two-term limit. The arrest of Sonko simply provided the spark that ignited the powder keg.

The incident captured in the Video attached explains the severity and the explosiveness of the situation by providing evidence of MILITIAS LINKED to the STATE firing Live ammunition against the population of Ngor (a Seaside resort in the Capital Dakar)

in rebellion against land seizure. The entire network of land within the settlement of the “Lebou” community from Yoff, Wakam, to Ngor Almadi got taken away by the wealthy bourgeoisie elite, denying the poor people their share.

The community got forced to mobilise to protect the last valuable piece of land available, which the state wanted to repurpose forcefully.
The state wants to build a Gendarmerie station.

The community previously negotiated with them and agreed to allow them to use a good portion of land far more extensive than what the present Gendarmerie station is occupying.

In the leftover space, the community wants to build a high school, as there is no public high school within the district.

The violence became evident with the heavy-handedness of the law enforcement officers firing tear gas indiscriminately to disperse the peaceful protect. It resulted in the death of an old lady from the tear gas fired into her compound.

Another noticeable encounter was ferocious responses from the Youths deploying Molotov Cocktails in a manner never witnessed before, leading to law enforcement officer retreating and unleashing the State control Malitia to fire the live rounds.

the protesters in the southern town of Diaobe overran the police station and completely destroyed it. Demonstrators then set up barricades all over Dakar.

They also targeted French-owned businesses because, as one demonstrator put it “under [President] Macky Sall, France has extended its economic interests in the former colony”.

The protesters redeployed their strategy by attacking the residence of Faraba Ngum, a member of parliament, the Mayor of Matam and the President's adviser setting the entire home on fire.

The new resistance advanced the development of the Youth deployment of the Molotov Cocktail, quickly overwhelmed the security forces and the targeting of the private residence of the elites. Even more worrying is the state deployment of Malitia armed with live weapons firing

on the civil population. It’s a recipe for destabilisation and could lead to a civil war, as we have witnessed in other countries.

In the interest of the security and stability of Senegal and the subregion, President Sall's government must be held to account. President Sall, once a poster boy for democracy, should support a peaceful transition and oversee a free and fair 2024 presidential election.

There is another element to this. The rise of Ousmane Sonko has been facilitated by the huge vacuum that has opened as a result of the crisis of the Socialist Party (PS). For 40 years prior to March 2000, Senegal was ruled by the Socialist Party of Leopold Sedar Senghor,

Senegal’s first president since independence in 1960, and his hand-picked successor Abdou Diouf, who became president in 1981. People had been united behind this party due to the anti-colonial history that continued to exist a few years after independence.

However, the Socialist Party continued to rule the country on capitalist lines with the emergence of a new capitalist elite class, tied hand and foot to French imperialism. They presided over growing economic inequalities, especially between Senegal`s regions.

This bred gradual opposition to the Socialist Party administrations of Senghor and later Diouf. They also implemented an Economic Structural Adjustment Programme during the 1980s, which led to a massive fall in living standards.

As a result of growing dissatisfaction, and civic mobilisation to change the status quo, a coalition of Senegalese opposition parties, headed by Abdoulaye Wade and his Senegalese Socialist Party (PDS), defeated the ruling Socialist Party in the second round of polls in 2000.

But as with the PS, there was nothing ‘socialist’ about the PDS, and effectively continued with the same pro-capitalist programme as his predecessors, which eventually led to his overthrow in 2012 as a result of mass mobilisation.

The Socialist Party (PS) then threw in its lot with Macky Sall, and as a reward for joining ‘Macky 2012’, party leader Tanor Dieng was appointed President of the High Commission of Local Government. Two of his entourage were also granted government jobs:

Aminata Mbengue Ndiaye (Minister of Livestock Farming, and then Minister of Fisheries) and Sérigne Mbaye Thiam (Minister of Education, and then Minister of Water and Sanitation).

The Socialist Party (PS) then threw in its lot with Macky Sall, and as a reward for joining ‘Macky 2012’, party leader Tanor Dieng was appointed President of the High Commission of Local Government. Two of his entourage were also granted government jobs:

Aminata Mbengue Ndiaye (Minister of Livestock Farming, and then Minister of Fisheries) and Sérigne Mbaye Thiam (Minister of Education, and then Minister of Water and Sanitation).

Things got even worse when the Socialist Party doubled down on its decision to refrain from presenting a candidate in the presidential elections of 2019. Party leaders said the decision was due to its continuing alliance with the majority.

These decisions have laid the basis for the complete demise of the party. Over the last few years, the Socialist Party has been a de facto member of the ruling coalition, headed by Benno Bokk Yakaar.

This is the result of the long decline of the party, due to its class-collaborationist policies.

It is in this context that the figure of Ousmane Sonko should be understood. He has been a thorn in the side of the Dakar elite for the last few years.

He was fired from his full-time job as tax inspector for publicly speaking out about murky public-sector contracts and calling out the corrupt relationship of the Senegalese elite with big multinational corporations.

But after he was fired he proved to be an even bigger critic of the elite from the outside.

From this platform, he was elected as an MP by running on an anti-establishment ticket. His programme included debt relief for students and small businesses, poverty relief measures, measures against food insecurity, measures against under-funded health and education systems

and corruption. In 2014 he formed his own party, Pastef-Les Patriotes, to contest the next local and legislative elections.

With most of the prominent opposition barred from running against Macky Sall on all kinds of criminal charges, he was the last serious challenger. As noted, he is particularly popular with the youth with his blunt and vociferous attacks on what he calls “the system.”

In one instance, he said that “there is enormous potential in this country. It is unacceptable to see the suffering of our people. Our politicians are criminals. Those who rule Senegal from the beginning deserve to be shot.

Ousmane Sonko appeared on television and radio shows disclosing the shenanigans of the rich and powerful. In one interview he said: “Theoretically, no politician in Senegal should be very, very rich, because we know, often, where the wealth of politicians comes from.

It's wealth which comes from embezzlement of public funds.” With statements such as this, he was giving a voice to the deep economic inequalities and concerns over young people's standard of living.

This made him very popular, especially amongst the youth who are bearing the brunt of the economic crisis. At the same time it was a huge embarrassment to the rich and powerful in Dakar.

There is a deep crisis of capitalism in Senegal, and this is what lies at the heart of the current explosion. The masses hate the whole political and economic establishment, together with their imperialist backers in Paris.

With the drastic fall in living standards, the masses feel that everything is slipping out of their hands. What we are seeing now is the beginning of a process in which the masses are attempting to take matters into their own hands.