I’m beginning to despair of the whole right, but especially the anti-woke formation (much as I loathe woke-ism). There’s no positive vision to it. It’s unserious. It seems designed to stave off real populism at the level of political economy.
The Biden WH has put forward a serious vision for a post-neoliberal order and an industrial policy. You may debate its parameters, but it’s a vision.
Meanwhile, the right is like “get your hands off my Bud Lite.” The two candidates boast about which of them was MOARRR anti-vax.
The other one says “I want to burn the FDA to the ground.” (Yay! Back to Sinclair’s “Jungle”!) The fantasy of restoring a governance structure fit for a pre-industrial idyll of yeoman farmers. The economic model that also assumes a pre-industrial La-La-Land as its backdrop. Dumb!
Or consider: America has had a problem of irrational regional and local banking going back to the 19th century. It makes it anomalous among industrial states. Recently, that perma-problem intersected with Silicon Valley’s own crises to create a mini-bank crisis.
What did Biden do? Act decisively—clawbacks crucially included—and in conjunction with the larger, more stable national banking sector.
What was the right’s response? WOKE-ISM CAUSED THIS.
Yes, there is/was an interesting realignment of part of the working class with the GOP. But even when Trump tried to serve it, he couldn’t and ended up, E.g., putting an anti-union Scalia-Son in charge at Labor.
More broadly the right’s base remains REGIONAL capital—think not the corporate executive, but the regional tire distributor. This is the least visionary segment of the capitalist class. You’re more likely to revive a class compromise with Giant Corp than regional tire distributor
A leftist friend rightly notes that a good part of the left also gets off on the relentless woke/anti-woke dance. In my next book — PRE-ORDER! — I describe this as a symbiosis. penguinrandomhouse.com/books/708057/t…
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Today @compactmag_ is one year old! Since our launch, we've seen tremendous growth in paid subscriptions---and published some incredible, agenda-setting journalism that's been featured in NYT, WaPo, WSJ, Vanity Fair, NYMag, Fox News, etc. etc.
Four of my personal favorites here:
There are too many people to thank at this milestone. But for me personally, the list begins, of course, with my business partner, friend, and comrade, @matthewschmitz. Our debt to our team---senior editor @Nina_Compact and managing editor @g_shullenberger---is immeasurable.
This weekend, I organized the largest academic conference ever held at @FranciscanU. We brought together 250 scholars, journalists, activists, and students to discuss how to restore our wounded political community. 🧵
The speakers drew on the wisdom of the classical and Christian tradition *as it has found expression in the American tradition*, in programs like Hamiltonian developmentalism and the New Deal. In my keynote, I championed the political-exchange capitalism of the postwar era.
The more I think about it, the more convinced I become that this Pinkoski essay on why Zemmour flopped has implications for the broader, global right. It's a crucial piece for the American "New Right."
In case you haven't read the essay, Pinkoski argues that Zemmour went against his own insight from 2019. Back then, he insisted that the right's chances hinge on the fate of the working class. As a campaigner in 2021-22, however, he tried to cobble together a bourgeois base.
I.e., he tried to appeal to upper middle class people who hold conservative cultural values but are fundamentally at peace with neoliberal order. In other words, Zemmour's campaign was right liberal: Fire and fury against immigrants and for the flag + tax cuts.
If you feel yourself getting swept by the tide of military interventionism, just remember: This is the same ruling class and the same ideologues who plunged the West into multiple bloody, wasteful and pointless wars over the last 20 years.
Honor your own skepticism. 🧵
Don't be cowed by the apparent unanimity of prominent personalities banging war drums. That happened in the last two decades, as well. It wasn't just Bush or "the neocons" who pushed the regime-change wars. It was The Atlantic and The Economist and The New Yorker, too.
It isn't easy to ask tough questions or even to press for calm. You'll be accused of being an apologist for XYZ Evil Dictator (I'd know, because I flung those accusations as a younger lad).
Remember: You aren't an enemy of "democracy" for opposing a potential nuclear war[!].
It’s frustrating to watch people, not least journalists, fall into the same structural information traps we saw play out in:
Iraq
The Arab Spring
The 2015 migrant crisis
And COVID
In each of these cases, there was reassessment and regret afterward. But the lessons don’t stick.
Patterns:
1. Emotional images overwhelm reason in Western regimes that prize “public reason.”
In the Arab Spring, it was images of young, cellphone-wielding “secular” democrats; the body of a dead child lying on the shore during the migrant crisis; Italy’s COVID wards.
2. Criticism/dissent = treason.
“Freedom Fries!” “Bernard Lewis questions the wisdom of shattering the Arab state system? Orientalist fool!” “Why do you question the whether the migrants are actually Syrian?” “How many Grannies are you prepared to sacrifice for your small biz!”