Preliminary but fairly clear results from the runoff of the Turkish elections show that President Erdogan will have a historic third term. This has implications for democracy and the economy.
For Turkish democracy, it’s not great news, but how bad things will be will depend on several factors. Let us distinguish five facets of democracy. First, judicial independence was very bad and probably cannot get much worse.
Second, the imperial presidency that Erdogan brought and jailing of politicians weakened the other pillar of separation of powers, the legislature, and there may be further sidelining of parliament, esp. since AKP now has fewer seats. This is one big threat.
Third, freedom of TV and print media was already pretty bad and it may get a little worse if there are controls on social media. A complete ban on all dissident voices would be a significant hardening, which is unlikely.
Fourth, autonomy and impartiality of bureaucracy and security services may be further eroded. This is another important concern, esp. in regards to control of corruption and other irregularities.
Fifth, civil society and broader freedom of expression were already weak in Turkey before AKP rule and have become more impaired. This may continue and, to me, that’s the biggest concern. (Consistent with the thesis of the Narrow Corridor, amazon.com/Narrow-Corrido…)
For the economy, there is a lot of uncertainty. In the short run, some foreigners may see an Erdogan victory as good for stability (esp. compared to a contested outcome). But continuation of current policies is concerning all around.
Policy of negative real interest rates, complete lack of independence of agencies and broader mismanagement will have mounting costs. This can be seen in the rundown of CB reserves (as authorities attempted to maintain the value of Turkish lira; reuters.com/business/finan…).
The bigger threat is the cementing of the current three major problems: lack of productivity growth and efficiency improvements; corporate and financial balance sheets; and worsening fiscal situation. All three are very costly.
Economic growth has been low-quality, driven by the construction sector, credit expansion and government spending, without enough investment or technological and efficiency improvements. Corruption and patronage make things worse.
Corporate balance sheets have worsened, but it is impossible to know how bad they are. This is both because of the COVID economy and government pressure not to lay off workers. Real estate exposure may have made things worse.
Banks, and especially state banks, probably have a lot of non-performing loans, partly because of corporate balance sheet problems, and partly because they have been pressured not to cut lending.
Government spending has increased and there are huge implicit guarantees via the FX-protected lira deposits (introduced to stop a run on the lira), various private-public schemes that commit future revenues, and state banks balance sheets.
All of this is made much worse by the fiscal and economic costs of the mega devastation caused by the earthquake and the rebuilding that this requires (plus the refugee problem, which is still ongoing).
On the current path, all of these are likely to get worse and certainly no better. Tourism revenues and money from the Gulf and perhaps Russia can prop up reserves for a while, but there is a lot of uncertainty ahead.
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I understand that my thread on Hayek from last week was insufficiently clear on some issues, so perhaps it is useful to clarify a few things. First, thanks to all who commented and reacted to the thread.
To start with, it is useful to clarify my main argument. It is this: we may no longer be able to identify the market with a decentralized system, because information and control of knowledge has become highly concentrated.
This was the basis for my claim that we need a new regulatory framework and in particular democratic regulation of digital technologies and AI. One can find passages in Hayek where he admits the need for regulation. But I’m not aware of this argument in Hayek’s writing.
Question (I have often wondered): Do radical left political movements, including communist or socialist labor organizations, help or hinder workers’ interests?
Thread👇
On the pro side, radical left may be the “tip of the spear” for the labor movement, especially because it has more dedicated rank-and-file, organized around a common ideology. Threat from radical left may force capital owners to make concessions.
Crypto. Missing rest of thread. My thread from yesterday pointed out concerns related to centralized control of information. One might then think that these issues create an argument in favor of crypto currencies. I don’t think so — for the most part.
The positive argument would go something like this. Governments control money and monetary policy, and exercise too much power. Crypto currencies, especially bitcoin, can limit this power and perhaps restrain misbehavior by governments.
While it is true that control of money affords powers that are sometimes abused, the best way of countering this is via democratic politics, including keeping central banks accountable (okay, I admit that has not always worked out well).
This is a wonkish thread about information, prices and decentralization. It touches on topics often discussed in economics, but with a revisionist take that might have relevance beyond economics, in particular about AI and control of information.
Hayek’s argument offers an original and ingenious “computational” critique of central planning. His basic premise is that there is a huge amount of dispersed knowledge in society about a very large number of goods and services (e.g., people’s preferences).
This is a thread about what was right and what was wrong in the recent Senate hearings on AI harms featuring @OpenAI CEO @sama, as well as @IBM's @_ChristinaMont and @GaryMarcus (one of the researchers in this field I respect most).
Altman’s call for regulation and openness about large language models (LLMs) are obviously to be commended. So far as I can understand, there was a true effort to make the technology understandable to lawmakers.
The best part was Altman’s emphasis on the potential labor market harms and issues related to control of data. These remain my most important concerns about the rollout of new AI tech.
But there are also things that worry me about the hearings and the surrounding discussions.