As groups of mujahideen fought for control of Afghanistan in the 1990s, Benazir Bhutto's government made a decision to back the Afghan Taliban in its bid for power; she later admitted she and her government had made a mistake.
Some members of the Pakistan Taliban became radicalized from their involvement in the jihad against the Soviets in Afghanistan in the 1980s. In 1989, Sufi Muhammad, who had fought in that jihad, formed the Tehrik-e-Nifaz-Shariat-Mohammadi (TNSM) to impose Sharia in Dir.
The TNSM was one of the precursors of the Tehrik-e-Taliban Pakistan. His son-in-law, Fazal Hayat, known publicly Mullah Fazlullah or just Fazlullah, is the current leader of the Pakistan Taliban. He is a former chairlift operator with no formal religious training.
The Afghan Taliban is an Islamist fundamentalist group that came into power in Afghanistan in 1996 after years of fighting between various groups of mujahideen (Soviet war-era fighters) over control of post-Soviet Afghanistan.
Mullah Omar headed the Taliban until the announcement of his death. The Afghan Taliban ruled Afghanistan with regressive, draconian interpretations of Sharia. It required women to be covered head to toe in a burga; women and men were treated at separate hospitals;
men were required to wear beards; music and television were banned. Anyone in violation of the Taliban's rules was punished severely, often in public.
Post-9/11, the Afghan Taliban was ousted from Afghanistan by the United States' invasion of that country;
members of the group sought sanctuary across the border in Pakistan and many, including the leadership, are thought to be in Quetta--although Pakistan officially denies this.
Over the last fifteen years, the Afghan Taliban has attacked American forces, and Afghan government and civilian targets, from its reported base in Pakistan. It is fighting against the United States and the U.S.-backed Afghan government
in Afghanistan.
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My difference of opinion proved right when I read an article by S.M. Qureshi,who wrote,
Two years after hanging Bhutto,I was sent to meet Yasir Arafat to patch to see him. He told me that General Zia had promised while siting in Masjid e Haram that he wouldn’t hang Bhutto.
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Zia said this in the presence of Shah Khalid. Later, he did not keep his words.
Here is a detailed account from page126-128 from book, ‘compulsions of power’
Biography of General Mirza Aslam Beg.
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I was promoted Major General in 1978 and assigned the Command of 14 Division which was stationed at Okara, With this command I became part of high Military Hierarchy and remained associated with all military matters of the army from 1978 to 1988.
Bhutto's untimely death forced Musharraf to delay elections beyond 8 January 2008 to 18 February. Leaderless party of Bhutto faced a crisis in middle of the campaign. Zardari, who had remained in Dubai when his wife had travelled back to Pakistan for the campaign, suddenly
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produced a handwritten document reportedly prepared by his wife naming him as the heir of the party command and control. A compliant PPP leadership team quickly accepted this evidence and his new role as the head of the party of Zulfikar Ali Bhutto.
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To add to the popular appeal of the Bhutto name, Zardari announced on 30 December 2007 that his nineteen-year-old son Bilawal would become party chairman and take over the party on completion of his studies at the University of Oxford in England.
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The transition to democracy following Zia's death raised hopes that Pakistan would enter a new era with the beginnings of a modern party system, the addressing of long-standing social inequalities and the ending of the centre-state problems which had beset the country.
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The advent of Benazir Bhutto as Pakistan's youngest and first female Prime Minister also raised the possibility that gender inequalities would be addressed & Pakistan would move towards becoming a progressive and tolerant Muslim society. Such hopes were to be cruelly dashed.
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The alternation of Benazir Bhutto and Nawaz Sharif in office was marked by political infighting, financial scandals, limited legislative enactment, and economic failure. Poverty increased as result of sluggish growth, despite Nawaz Sharif's attempt to liberalize the economy.
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Foreigners were never quite sure what to make of Benazir. As a young woman, she was the object of global admiration, the whip-smart, eloquent daughter of a Pakistani prime minister. She went to Radcliffe & then Oxford, where she drove a sports car, was known as 'Pinky', and
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entranced posh young Englishmen with her regal airs. In the 198os, she led a gutsy campaign against a brutal military dictator, General Zia ul Hag, who had overseen the execution of her father. Returning from exile, in 1986, the streets filled with fervent supporters clamouring
for a glimpse of steely 33 year-old beauty - 'that wisp of a girl that the generals were scared of', as the revolutionary poet Habib Jalib put it. Two years later she was prime minister, the first woman to hold that position in a Muslim-majority country, glamorous and commanding.
In a pattern which was to be repeated in 1990s, civilian politicians approached army to intervene against their detested opponents.
In 1972,during Sindhi language disturbance &again in 1973,army was approached by right-wing & Islamist groups calling on it to remove Bhutto.
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The pressures for intervention were however much greater during the PNA agitation. The weakly institutionalized PPP lacked the coherence to counter them. As the protesters became increasingly violent, the police and FF struggled to contain them.
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Bhutto had to declare martial law in the worst affected areas of the Lahore and Hyderabad districts and the Karachi division.
This limited martial law paved the way for Bhutto's ousting.
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Bhutto had threatened established interests & tantalized the masses with the glimpse of a more egalitarian society. But the impact of his reforms had been largely cosmetic. His land reforms, according to one estimate, had released just 1 % of cultivable land to the tenants.
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Rather than destroy feudalism, Bhutto ultimately accommodated himself with the landed elite. Zia thus inherited a situation in which, as throughout Pakistan's history, a section of the landed class would be available to lend legitimacy to an authoritarian regime.
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Bhutto had also alienated the business classes through his nationalisation programmes. Zia returned to private enterprise approach of Ayub & sought to co-opt those who had recently lost out. The most striking example of this was the Sharif family's Ittefag business group.
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