Successfully obscuring the reality of the Soviet Union as a ruthless colonial power has got to be one of the most astonishing propaganda accomplishments in modern history and, simultaneously, one of the most consequential and problematic legacies of the USSR. 🧵
Inside Russia, the view of itself as a selfless and benevolent “big brother” that gifted modernity & prosperity to non-Russian societies which comprised the USSR is ubiquitous. The term “colonialism” is routinely used to condemn OTHER nations but the gaze seldom turns inward.
The refusal to recognize, let alone genuinely engage with, the issues of Russian colonial legacy & modern day Russian imperialism is a defining trait of modern Russia. This trait is shared by a wide range of people including, troublingly, some prominent critics of the Kremlin.
Indeed, the hearty approval rating jumps enjoyed by Putin whenever 🇷🇺 launches wars against former 🇷🇺 colonies are hard to miss. Of course, there are those who recognize that 🇷🇺 is a crumbling colonial power engaged in a futile attempt to turn back time but they are a minority.
When Putin lamented the collapse of the USSR as a “geopolitical catastrophe” he was capturing the zeitgeist of his people. Insistence on the “Putin‘s War” narrative by the 🇷🇺 opposition is politically expedient but fails to acknowledge the imperial yearning of the Russian people.
However, this is not the whole story. On the international stage, there is also a troubling lack of recognition that Moscow used terror to colonize and control vastly diverse societies. And that the people of these societies are determined to never fall under Russian rule again.
Whenever I hear Western politicians and pundits talk about Russia’s “legitimate sphere of interests” being threatened by NATO expansion, I am struck by the way in which this framework erases the humanity and agency of those Russia once colonized.
The propaganda which rendered the brutal colonization and the colonized themselves largely invisible to the outside world is perhaps Russia’s most ambitious and successful export. This invisibility provides cover for Russian atrocities and it must be challenged and disrupted…
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I love being in Qazaqstan. I read, write, & teach about it regularly. Yet, physical presence affords a visceral sense of societal changes taking place that is hard to fully grasp otherwise. And there are big changes underway. A short 🧵…
The biggest one is the fact that the Qazaq language is far more prominent than it has been. In the old capital, Almaty, where Russian language was absolutely dominant during the Soviet period, Qazaq is now heard everywhere, all the time.
The most striking thing is that it is used by lots of young people. This was simply not the case when I was growing up. When Qazaqstan became independent, the Soviet system of residence permits was abolished allowing large numbers of ethnic Qazaq families to move to the city.
Yesterday, May 31, was the Day of Remembrance of Victims of Political Repression and Famine in Qazaqstan. On this day, I remember my grandfather. Unfortunately, as time passes, memories begin to fade. However, one of the stories that he shared I still remember vividly. 🧵
In the early 1930s, he was a young man pursuing his post-secondary education in finance in the city of Semey. His family had long been affluent, which, in Qazaqstan at the time, meant having lots of livestock. At some point, he received a terrifying message from his father.
His father asked him to return home. All of their livestock had been collectivized and, to escape further persecution, they had to flee to a different part of the country with only the clothes on their backs. His father said they were not going to make it without his help.
Returning to Almaty brings back memories. Many are tinged with nostalgia and pleasant but some aren’t. When the USSR collapsed, Soviet-era street names began to be replaced. Yet, for years I chose to use the old ones. Why I did it and what it meant is unsettling to think about.🧵
My childhood apartment was located near the intersection of October and Dzerzhinsky streets. The former commemorated the 1917 October Revolution and the latter was named after the founding leader of the Soviet secret police and the famously ruthless architect of Red Terror.
My school was a short walk away on Komsomol Avenue. “Komsomol” was the ubiquitous Soviet shorthand for the “All-Union Leninist Communist League of Youth.” The old office of the central government was located just a block away on the corner of Komsomol and Communist Avenues.
Like many Russified Qazaqs of my generation, I ceased to be Soviet twice. First, in 1991, when the USSR disintegrated. Second, in 2022, when Russia escalated its attack on Ukraine to genocidal levels, blasting away the last bits of residual good will toward the Soviet Union. 🧵
The heinous nature of 🇷🇺invasion has erased any stray bits of nostalgia. The attack on Ukraine made it impossible to see Russia as anything other than a revanchist empire desperate to reverse the flow of time by reestablishing control over a sovereign country it once colonized.
Insistence on “Putin's War” narrative is misleading since it hides the role of 🇷🇺imperial revanchism in the war. It is especially disheartening to see 🇷🇺opposition members do it. When Russia’s best and brightest refuse to acknowledge the problem, it is hard to be optimistic.
I draw on my background growing up in a former Russian colony - Qazaqstan - to make sense of Russian aggression against another former colony - Ukraine. I write in English because I want to convey my perspective to those without direct experience of Russian colonization.🧵
In conversations about Russia, voices of the formerly colonized are notably underrepresented. It’s a problem since developing a comprehensive understanding of Russia’s actions without them is impossible. A bit like trying to understand xenophobia, but excluding immigrant voices.
Most conversations about Russia center the voices of the relatively more privileged ethnic Russians. Also, finding the right words is hard. How does one fully convey the imperial arrogance that undergirds so much of Russia’s aggression to those who never felt it personally?
As a Central Asian, I have always been struck by the way in which @Navalny and his colleagues focus on corruption as the most pressing problem in 🇷🇺. When their country wages a brazenly imperialist war against 🇺🇦, the unwavering focus on yachts and mansions seems oddly myopic. 🧵
Of course, corruption is terrible and anti-corruption work is important. However, the nation which illegally annexed territory of a neighboring country in 2014 and escalated its aggression to genocidal levels in 2022 clearly has bigger, and more urgent, problems.
The insistence by 🇷🇺opposition leaders that 🇷🇺 aggression against 🇺🇦 should be described as Putin’s war rather than Russia’s war is chilling because it clearly shows that even Putin’s opponents are unwilling to confront the reality of imperial revanchism rampant in 🇷🇺 society.