4. When Johnson tried to suspend Parliament, Seldon compared him to Churchill.
Like the "superlative wartime leader", Johnson was a "risk-taker" and a "gambler", with "the immutable self-confidence to believe that he can also be a man who ‘made history’". dailymail.co.uk/news/article-7…
5. He even sketched out a speech Johnson could give to the nation, promising to "uphold democracy" against "a rag-bag of parliamentarians ... trying to block the wishes of the people".
6. But what of the charge that, by suspending Parliament, Johnson was "trampling on the constitution and breaking with every convention"?
Johnson, wrote Seldon, "can truthfully counter that the normal rules no longer apply".
(We'd hear a lot of that in the Johnson premiership).
7. When Covid erupted, Seldon again drew comparisons with Churchill.
Johnson's "unusual, idiosyncratic qualities", he suggested, might be "exactly what is needed to steer the country through this perfect storm". thetimes.co.uk/article/what-w…
8. This is not meant to be a "gotcha" or a hatchet-job.
In my teaching and research, I've benefitted greatly from Seldon's work. And people are entitled to change their minds.
But it helps to explain how a Johnson premiership was possible.
9. There were the bizarre analogies with Churchill, to avoid confronting Johnson's own record.
Johnson's critics pointed to the things he'd done. His admirers pointed to the things someone else had done.
The effect was to wipe Johnson's own history & replace it with Churchill's
10. Second: the willingness to ignore, or even celebrate, rule-breaking, when commentators approved the cause.
Throughout his career, Johnson has been surrounded by people telling him "that the normal rules no longer apply".
Is it so surprising that he believed them?
11. Third, the extraordinary abilities attributed to Johnson, in defiance of concrete evidence.
He was "an intellectual" (Seldon); "the most intellectually capable prime minister Britain has seen" (Dale).
What was the basis for any of this?
12. Johnson is undoubtedly clever. Many people are.
But where was the deep thought or intellectual seriousness?
Can anyone find an original idea in his writing?
We knew he was lazy, chaotic & bored by detail.
That was ignored, seemingly because he could quote poetry in Latin.
13. Commentary on the Johnson era focuses too much on Johnson himself: a man who rarely hid his flaws from the public.
The bigger question is why so many cheered his rise - not *despite* those flaws, but *because* of them.
That makes Johnson a symptom of something larger.
14. We can't complain that leaders lack seriousness, if we reward them for being "fun".
We can't be surprised at rule-breaking, when we tell our leaders that the rules don't apply.
We can't protest at government by fantasists, if we indulge their historical fantasies.
15. Johnson's rise tells us much that is troubling about British political culture.
If we pretend this is just about him, we'll learn nothing of value from his premiership.
And others will exploit the same weaknesses in future. [ENDS]
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@lewis_goodall 1. The case for televising Parliament is that voters should know what their elected representatives are saying and doing in their name, so that we can hold them to account at the ballot box.
All those involved are public officials, who are directly responsible to those outside.
2. By contrast, court cases involve private citizens - most of whom have been accused of no crime, but who may be recounting situations of extreme distress, trauma or personal embarrassment.
Those involved are accountable for their conduct, not to public opinion, but to the law.
"The next war...will leave civilization a smoking ruin and a putrefying charnel house" (Ramsay MacDonald, 19292).
A great find, illustrating a point that's often overlooked in the memory of "appeasement": that "the next war" was widely expected to end European civilization. 1/5
The Privilege Committee's report on Boris Johnson is quietly devastating.
It's not the final verdict - Johnson will now have the chance to give written and oral evidence - but he's going to need some very good answers. Some excerpts follow... committees.parliament.uk/publications/3…
On the suggestion that Johnson was not aware of the rules:
"Mr Johnson’s knowledge of the rules and guidance is evidenced by the continuous statements he made at press conferences and to the House outlining and reaffirming rules and guidance that were in force."
On Johnson's claim that he had received “repeated assurances” that all rules were complied with:
Why did he "rely on purported assurances from others when he was there at [the] gatherings in question"?
To his credit, Sunak seems to be making a serious effort to fix the problems with Johnson's protocol through negotiation, rather than treaty-breaking or chest-thumping.
His opponents should resist the temptation to make that job harder, for short-term political capital. 1/6
2. The UK's adversarial system incentivises parties to stoke divisive issues, rather than take risks to resolve them.
If Sunak is willing to defy his party's hardliners, to achieve a better outcome for NI & put UK-EU relations on a better footing, he needs some political cover.
3. The deal, if it happens, won't be perfect, because no perfect solution exists.
But if the impossibilism of the ERG is matched by the impossibilism of those who say they want a better relationship, only those who favour polarisation and breakdown will prosper.
I'll be on "In Our Time" tomorrow, with Joan Allen and @EmmaGriffinHist, talking about Chartism - one of the most inspiring, important and innovative movements in British history.
Chartism took its name from "the People's Charter": a new "Magna Carta" of democratic reforms.
At its peak in the 1830s and 40s, it mobilised millions of working men and women behind the campaign for democracy and the vote - most famously in three colossal "National Petitions".
The scale of Chartism defies description. The 1842 Petition claimed more than 3 million signatures & covered six miles of paper.
When it was delivered to Parliament, it got stuck in the doors of the House - a visual symbol of the people's voice forcing its way into the Chamber.