1. On Haaland v Brackeen, this morning's big SCOTUS case on Indian law: This was a complicated case, both factually and legally, and it ends with a muddled and unfortunate decision. As Justice Barrett painstakingly explains in her majority opinion...
2. the Indian Child Welfare Act “requires a state court to place an Indian child with an Indian caretaker . . . even if the child is already living with a non-Indian family and the state court thinks it in the child’s best interest to stay there.”
4. It’s a close call whether Cong, in exercising its const power over Indian affairs, can intrude on state family law, requiring, as Gorsuch concurs, “a bird’s-eye view of how our founding document mediates between competing federal, state, and tribal claims of sovereignty.”
5. And it may well be that the plaintiffs here sued the wrong defendants: federal officials rather than the state agencies that enforce ICWA’s placement preferences. But that doesn’t resolve what Kavanaugh concurs separately to recognize as a “serious” equal-protection issue...
6. whereby “a child in foster care or adoption proceedings may in some cases be denied a particular placement because of the child’s race.” If the Constitution isn’t a suicide pact, it also shouldn’t be the facilitator of race-based custody proceedings involving US-citizen kids..
7. who may never have set foot on Indian lands, merely because the children happen to have some quantum of Native American blood.
PS - Kavanaugh's short concurrence is a favorable sign regarding the challenges to racial preferences in college admissions.
-FIN
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1. On Thursday, the Supreme Court decided its most politically salient of the term thus far, Allen v. Milligan, a challenge to Alabama’s latest round of congressional redistricting. supremecourt.gov/opinions/22pdf…
2. By a 5-4 vote, the justices agreed with a special three-judge district court that Alabama’s map likely “dilutes” minority votes, prevent black Alabamiams from electing the “candidate of their choice.”
3. In so doing, it left Section 2 of the Voting Rights Act a muddled mess as applied to districting, essentially telling legislatures that they have to consider race somewhat, but not too much and not improperly. That in turn tells reviewing courts to apply a Goldilocks test:
1. @StanfordLaw Dean Martinez’s letter is really strong and deserves the accolades it’s gotten, especially this part I’ve previously shared. BUT the lack of consequences for the vile disrupters—and instead training for everyone—doesn’t sit well.
2. She says it's hard to identify which students crossed the line and which were protesting without disrupting. But there's video, and an Office of Community Standards investigation would turn up many names. Some would escape discipline, but that's no excuse to let everyone off.
3. She says failure to warn, indeed Steinbach's encouragement, sent "conflicting signals." BUT "Such an onsite warning might not be required ... and students had been generally informed of the policy against disruptions (including by schoolwide email the morning of the event)."
1. An emerging issue in public ed is school officials’ secret “social transitioning” of children. A case now before the 1st Circuit, Foote v. Ludlow School Comm, presents the clearest opportunity yet to uphold parents’ rights and protect kids from serious risks.
2. During the 2020–21 school year in the Ludlow, Massachusetts, district, teachers and staff actively promoted children’s social transitioning—calling them by new names and pronouns, while hiding these changes from parents.
3. One counselor had secret discussions with students, including over online chat, suggesting that they weren’t safe with their parents. The parents of two children complained to school administrators. The superintendent called the parents’ concerns “thinly-veiled intolerance”...
1. I deleted my tweet, apologized for its "inartful" phrasing, and sent a longer apology to the Georgetown faculty. Should I have said more? Less?
2. I launched this newsletter in June after @SubstackInc approached me and suggested that I take advantage of the moment both to shine a light on the rot in academia and use my unique voice to expound on public affairs.
@SubstackInc 3. I’ve since been doing both of those things, both in serializing my cancellation experience and posting on all sorts of other topics. But one aspect of the Shapiro’s Gavel origin story hasn’t yet been covered—and I get asked about it regularly.
1. After last term’s pronounced shift to the right, and the unprecedented leak of the draft opinion in Dobbs, attacks on the Court have spilled from the fever swamps of newsrooms and faculty lounges to reach the justices themselves.
2. Members of the high bench have taken to publicly “subtweeting” each other over whether recent decisions have harmed the institution’s credibility.
3. Justice Elena Kagan has implied that the modern Court’s majority was simply doing the Republican Party’s bidding.
1. Short thread ahead of Monday’s SCOTUS arguments in the Harvard/UNC racial-preference cases:
The Supreme Court finally has the opportunity to end the system of racial spoils that affirmative action has become in higher education.
2. The whole modern edifice of racialist university bureaucracy germinated from the seed planted by Justice Lewis Powell in the 1978 Bakke case and it's time to end that failed experiment.
3. Powell called "diversity" a compelling state interest and that conceit is now at the heart of the higher-education mission, superseding even the search for knowledge and the free exchange of ideas.