DOJ just released the report from its two-year investigation of the Minneapolis police department.
Here's a thread of notable excerpts.
This first one happened *while a DOJ investigator was on a ride-along.*
"Sit on the ground. I'm gonna mace ya."
Casually pepper spraying some folks who were concerned about a suicidal friend.
Pulling a black teen out of a car and threatening to taser him for . . . not wearing a seatbelt.
Can't argue with this logic. A supervisor found that some MPD cops' use of force must have been reasonable because if it wasn't reasonable force, they wouldn't have used it.
Read the incident, and then how the complaint was handled. The investigator was the same supervisor on the scene who failed to find any wrongdoing at the time. He then didn't bother interviewing witnesses or the complainant before clearing the cops.
The whiter the neighborhood, the fewer traffic stops MPD made for minor offenses. This was true even among neighborhoods with similar accident rates.
MPD conducts "pretextual" traffic stops of Black and Native American motorists at about six times the rate of white motorists, even though well less than 1 percent of such stops recovered guns (the main justification for conducting them).
Black and Native American people were far more likely to be searched during a stop, even after adjusting for stops involving similar offenses and motorist behavior.
After the murder of George Floyd, many MPD officers stopped recording the race of people they pull over, as required by law and policy.
Nothing to see here.
If you don't think there's racism in policing, talk to black cops.
Yikes
Dehumanizing the people they serve with a "ghetto" Christmas tree.
Flashbanging a group of protesters -- just for fun.
Casually pepper spraying journalists for no reason at all.
Jokesters, these guys
The city has paid out over $60 million in police brutality settlements over the last 5 years.
Step one: Create an immensely complicated system that fails to hold bad cops accountable.
Step two: Tell complainants that filing a complaint isn't worth it because it's an immensely complicated system that fails to hold bad cops accountable.
Ghost investigations of citizen complaints.
This one looks a lot like what happened to George Floyd. Two years before George Floyd. Referred by the city attorney. Documented by a city employee. Never investigated.
You know you have a problem when a federal court won't even grant officers qualified immunity, but your official investigation finds no violation of policy.
MPD often "disciplines" officers by referring them for "coaching," even for serious abuse. But less than a quarter of those referrals actually result in any coaching.
Step one: Delay, delay, delay
Step two: Dismiss complaint because "reckoning period has expired."
Obligatory dog shooting incident. Bonus: Supervisor cleared the cops without interviewing them, by citing fictional video footage that directly contradicts the actual video footage.
Keeping bad apples around, well after you have overwhelming evidence of their bad apply-ness.
Finally . . . come on. Corruption is one thing. But this is just lazy!
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The specific, somewhat complicated issue here is whether the prisoner can make his case in district court or must take the more circuitous and difficult route of first getting permission from the fed. appeals court.
But the core problem is that AEDPA allows states to defend ...
... convictions won on garbage forensics like bitemark evidence without having to defend the actual merits of those methods. They can just hide behind procedural rules, and AEDPA instructs the federal courts to defer to them.
That said, there are definitely issues worth discussing here.
Why was the ME consulting with prosecutors before completing the autopsy? Why did he give prosecutors opinions that contradicted his trial testimony, and have since been thoroughly refuted by the medical community?
The answer is that many medical examiners treat deaths in police custody differently other regular deaths. They do more tests, more lab work. They look for reasons to let cops off the hook. And they're much more likely determine a manner of death as "inconclusive" ...
The Tennessee legislature responds to the Tyre Nichols murder by . . . overriding police accountability measures passed by voters, stripping civilian review boards of their power, and making it more difficult to investigate abuse and excessive force.
This legislature is an abomination -- a body of reactionary, hypocritical, culture-warring ignoramuses with nothing but contempt for the people they claim to serve.
Seeing a lot of responses along the lines of: Memphis PD implemented various reforms. Those didn't prevent Tyre Nichols's death. Therefore, those reforms have failed.
A few thoughts:
1. We don't know that these reforms were implemented in any real way. Indeed, it looks ...
... like they were mostly symbolic. For example, it doesn't appear that complaints about police brutality in Memphis were taken seriously.
2. No reform is a panacea. But incidents like this don't mean they're bad ides. We won't see the abuse and misconduct that reforms prevent.
3. I agree that we need more radical change than any reform policy that has a reasonable chance of passing. But a good policy is a good policy, even if its effects are marginal.
4. While I'm not an abolitionist, I do think abolitionists have done a lot of the hard work ...
The Red Dogs were disbanded in 2011 after a series of abuses, including the raid of a gay club, sexual abuse during traffic stops, and mistakenly beating an undercover cop, who then sued the city.
A few thoughts on this well-intentioned New Hampshire bill to ban no-knock raids:
First, it needs a provision requiring police to give occupants a reasonable amount of time to answer the door after the officers have knocked and announced.
Otherwise, police could knock and announce as or shortly after they've broken down the door (as we've seen over and over again). That would violate the intent and purpose of the knock-and-announce rule, but police could argue they're still technically in compliance with the law.
Second, the bill should require police who conduct forced entry raids to wear body cameras so there's no dispute over whether they made a legally appropriate knock and announcement.