This is a story about the time Robert C Byrd bluffed & attrited his way to setting a Senate precedent.
The Senate must be in Executive Session before it may consider an item on the Executive Calendar – eg, a nomination. That used to be a two-step process, as seen here…
There, Majority Leader Mike Mansfield: 1) made a non-debatable motion to go into Exec Session, and after it was agreed to 2) made a debatable motion to consider a specific nomination.
But after Byrd replaced Mansfield as majority leader in 1977, he went about creating a non-debatable ONE-step process. Why? B/c if he could find enough votes for cloture on a nomination a group of Repubs was filibustering, a one-step process would save him lots of floor time.
So, how did Byrd do it?
In 1978, on a Friday the 13th, after Byrd's unanimous consent request to both go into Exec Session and move to a particular nomination was met with an objection, he simply made a single motion to do the same...
And based on the Record, it seems Byrd somehow got Sen. Hatfield (R-OR) to think that that sort of combined motion was fine. The chair had told Hatfield that a combined UC request was in order, but then it appears Hatfield took that to also mean a combined motion was in order. 😳
And with that "bluff" (that's how I see it), Robert C Byrd had his precedent for a single, combined motion to take up a nomination; the weakest sort of precedent – b/c there was no point of order followed by a ruling of the chair (or of the Senate) – but a precedent, nonetheless.
Then its March 1980 and Byrd decides to do it again: Use a single motion to 1) go into Exec Session, and 2) take up a specific nomination* – but this time…
(* – technically: to go into Exec Session & take up the first-listed nom vs SOP/starting with the first-listed treaty)
... Byrd's opponent was Jesse Helms (R-NC) – who knew the rules better than Hatfield (and was tougher, too) – and so here we see Helms knock down the precedent/not-so-much-a-precedent that Byrd had created back in October 1978 when Hatfield didn't appreciate its import
That was Helms' response to Byrd's (paraphrased) arg: "My single, combined motion is most certainly in order because, as the senator must know, there is no rule or precedent against it, and that the Senate has for 188 years always done it with 2 motions is of no matter here."
While the chair (Sen. Morgan (D-NC); yes, the chair, NOT the Parliamentarian) ruled Byrd's motion out of order, in the end when Byrd appealed the ruling to the 59 D/I, 41R Senate, (surprise!) they voted NOT to sustain the ruling (38-54) – so Byrd got his precedent.
Or did he?
Yes, Robert C Byrd did get his precedent on March 5, 1980, though its breadth wasn't made clear until June: That it was (& is) now in order to make a single, non-debatable motion to both take the Senate into Executive Session & call up any eligible item on the Executive Calendar.
Yes, if Repubs had asked the chair on June 19 for a ruling on the breadth of the March 5 precedent and Byrd hadn't liked it, he had the votes to overturn it. Still, it's worth noting that what he said on June 19th about the March 5 precedent contradicts his own words.
Iow, 🐂💩.
Meanwhile, if the Parl considers this to be good law, then 1) Schumer asking Biden to bundle all the blocked military promotions into one nomination, 2) SASC reporting them as one, and then 3) Schumer making one motion to go into ES to consider them as one sounds even better.
NOTE: 1) ~Most anything in the Senate is subject to a point of order. 2) After the chair rules on a PoO, a senator may appeal. 3) Appeals generally are debatable/filibusterable which could make ⤵️ messy 4) BUT an appeal re a PoO re a motion to go into Exec Session isn't debatable
5) That ⬆️ is important b/c:
A) If Schumer does use a process like Byrd used, some senator will make a point of order, and
B) No matter how the chair rules on it, some senator will appeal, and then
C) To *set* the precedent needed to help get those military promotions confirmed…
… the Senate MUST VOTE on the appeal, and
D) If the appeal were debatable, Tuberville (& others) would be able to endlessly debate it/filibuster, thereby blocking the Senate from getting to a vote on the ruling, meaning things would be just as stuck as they are now. But again...
… it is possible – in order to set a precedent so those military promotions can get confirmed – to leverage the fact that an appeal regarding a motion to go into Exec Session is not debatable.
If anyone knowledgeable in the parliamentary arts sees smth I missed, pls lemme know.
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Except…
A) Loudermilk is wrong b/c cmtes aren't bound by attorney-client privilege,
B) So it was lawful for Liz Cheney to talk to Cassidy Hutchinson w/o her attorney,
C) So that's not a basis for a witness tampering charge,
D) Even before we get to Speech or Debate immunity.
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I misspoke(?) when I connected my argument to attorney-client privilege. While cmtes do resolve an assertion of a-c privilege as a matter cmte discretion, Cheney talking w/ Hutchinson w/o her attorney is not an a-c issue.
Rep Loudermilk (R-GA) also is wrong here when he claims the rules of the DC Bar regulated Liz Cheney's contacts with Cassidy Hutchinson – especially as the DC Bar, itself, established almost 50 years ago that they don't.
Some thoughts on the issue of a president's power to force the Congress to adjourn – ie, for at least 10 days so he can then make so-called "recess appointments" of officials at will.
Looking at Art II, Sec 3, one could think the Constitution empowers a POTUS to do that...
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After all, it says if the Houses are in disagreement "with Respect to the Time of Adjournment," the president "may adjourn them to such Time as he shall think proper".
But what if there is no such "disagreement" between the Houses?
#SRules
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Well, if a president has the support of (let's say) the House on this maneuver, he could arrange such a disagreement: Simply have House leadership get the House to adopt an adjournment "concurrent resolution", then send it to the Senate, and if the Senate doesn't act on it…
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Interesting piece by @ElieNYC, but while he gets some things right, he's wrong on others – and he misses some ~arcane things usable to counter nefarious efforts at a joint session.
1) Speaker Johnson, singly, as speaker, can do none of the "secret plan" things Mystal claims.
That is, re the joint session, unless Johnson were _somehow_ to have the votes of a majority of the House and of the Senate, the JS things @ElieNYC outlines can't happen – and that's true whether something is done during this Congress or after the start of the next on Jan 3.
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2) The "deadlines" he mentions are deadlines, but for purposes of obtaining certain presumptions under the Electoral Count Reform Act; they aren't deadlines for whether or not Congress may consider a cert that's executed or rec'd late – again, if the votes are/aren't there.
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A) There is no "secret" method I and others don't already know about.
B) If Repubs take the House _and_ Senate, _and_ ~all Senate Repubs toe Trump's line (which seems doubtful), then there would be a way they could steal the election at the joint session, but...
C) If Repubs have only the House, or if they have both Houses but not the votes in the Senate, then at that point the only way they could steal the election would be by trashing the ECRA (eg, walking out), then electing Trump speaker & letting him succeed as acting-president.
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D) As for anyone thinking the Trump-Johnson "secret" is a plan for the House to choose Trump as president under 12A (1 vote per state) – No. B/c the House chooses a president only if "no person has such majority", which necessarily means the electoral votes had been counted.
If MAGA members at the 2025 joint session pull 💩 of a kind they pulled in 2021, we're going to see how little the purported limits on the VP in the new Sec 15(b) of the ECRA mean.
Eg, recall at the 2021 joint session – despite what the Constitution and the ECA say about…
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… opening "all the certs", even just "purport[ed]" certs" – that Pence didn't open "purported" certs from Trump's electors? His decision on that was beyond ministerial (and that the Parls advised him to do it doesn't change that). I said at the time…
#SRules #HRules
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… that was wrong, but w/o anyone objecting it didn't matter, and no one objected to THAT.
The ECRA struck the word "all", so now the VP is told just to "open the certs", but 12A still says "open all the certs", so there's that.
… intel briefings because, of course, that goes with the job to which the voters elected them. But Scott Perry & Ronny Jackson's elections to the House didn't elect them to receive those briefings as members of HPSCI. No, that's entirely in the Speaker's discretion. Indeed…
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… it is so much in the Speaker's discretion that not only may he on his own name members to HPSCI, the rules grant him the sole discretion to remove members from HPSCI.
This is 💩 with which Speakers should not play games. Yet, how else to explain what Johnson has now done?
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