Without wishing to stir the pot further... Nigel Farage's personal finances are not in the public domain unless he chooses to put them there, but his company finances very much are. I have been doing some digging... 1/
Farage Media Ltd. is a dormant company whose last accounts, as at December 2021, declared £100 in cash, £100 in issued shares, and no other assets or liabilities.
Reform UK Party Ltd. is a political party currently led by Richard Tice. But the only person listed by Companies House as being a "person with sigificant control" is Nigel Farage.
Farage, not Tice, controls Reform UK Party. Metro Bank terminated its relationship with Reform UK Party in 2021. Richard Tice went public with this story shortly after Farage's complaint about Coutts. news.sky.com/story/metro-ba…
The accounts filed with Companies House reveal that Reform Party UK's debts far exceeded its assets in both 2020 and 2021. This would imho be sufficient reason for Metro Bank to terminate the relationship.
@Towler Does Reform UK have a holding company?
Moving on... The third company is Thorn In The Side Ltd. Between 2020 and 2021, this company saw an increase in its current assets from £136,288 to £736,584. GB News are paying Farage well, it seems. But...
£736,584 current assets, even if they consist entirely of cash, is WAY below the £3m liquid savings threshold for a Coutts account. And the borrowings of £200,866 are also far too low. So...
Unless Nigel Farage's personal wealth is sufficient for him to maintain a balance of over £2,263,416 in his current and savings accounts, he does not come anywhere near meeting the qualifying conditions for a Coutts accounts without considerable personal borrowing.
The company clearly doesn't qualify for a Coutts account. However, it appears to be in sound enough condition to qualify for a business account at an ordinary high street bank.
Do we actually know what kind of account NatWest offered him? Did they really refuse him an ordinary business bank account? Or are the reports that they did so simply another piece of Nigel spin?
Now let's look at the dissolved companies.
Go Movement Ltd was formed in February 2016 and voluntarily liquidated in February 2017. Other directors include Peter Bone, Richard Tice, Nigel Griffith. It never issued any accounts.
Farage Ltd. was incorporated in 2004. This appears to be a personal services company of a kind that might well now fall foul of IR35 rules. As is typical, it had high equity dividend payments relative to turnover, which were presumably Farage's personal drawings from the company.
In 2010, the annual return listed the shareholders as "Farage Family Educational Trust", which is probably an offshore trust fund, and Andrew Farage. Andrew Farage is Nigel's brother. He was declared bankrupt in 2018. dailymail.co.uk/news/article-3…
The February 2010 accounts reveal after-tax profits of £363,923, of which £270,000 were paid out in dividends.
But by February 2011, all the company's assets had been drained. All that was left was £496 in cash and £133,677 of debts. Where did this money go?
In August 2011, Farage Ltd. went into a CVA. It was dissolved in 2019.
Now to be fair, Nigel Farage resigned as director in 2006 - though note the creation of the trust. But he did not resign as company secretary until 2012, some months after the company went into a CVA.
In 2013, Farage apologised for setting up the offshore educational trust fund. He said he lost money on the venture. And he said he was "not rich enough to need one and never going to be". theguardian.com/politics/2013/…
That, to my mind, is the point. The picture painted by his corporate finances is not one of a wealthy person, though of course his personal finances might be different. Why he had Coutts accounts is unclear.
Taking out a very large mortgage with Coutts would have justified the relationship. But once the mortgage was gone, as far as I can see (within the limits of the information, of course) he just didn't meet the criteria and was never going to.
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It is a Coutts dossier, not a Nat West one. The distinction is important. Coutts provides premier banking services to very rich people. Nat West is a high street bank. Coutts has stringent financial criteria limiting who can bank with it. Nat West does not.
High street banks like Nat West are obliged to provide basic banking services, except to people who fail basic risk management tests such as identity, financial crime or immigration status. Coutts private bank has no such obligation. It is free to choose its customers.
The dossier is a risk management assessment. Banks are required to do "know-your-customer" checks. For a private bank, these must be particularly thorough, since the nature of their customers means they are exceptionally exposed to the risk of facilitating financial crime.
Ok, so I have now listened to that recording of the teacher arguing with pupils about gender identity. Some thoughts: 1/
The pupils said anyone who identifies as something other than their birth sex is mentally ill. Hence the "should be in an asylum" comment. This is wholly unacceptable and the children should have been firmly disciplined at this point. 2/
The teacher should not have allowed them to argue with her, and nor should she have appealed to their sensitivities. She should simply have told them they were on report and to shut up and return to their seats. 3/
It is also not remotely consistent with statutory safeguarding guidance. I suspect heads will ignore it on the reasonable grounds that child safeguarding is the highest priority.
Yep, it specifically violates the "safe space" requirement in KCSIE 2022. It means that trans children facing opposition at home would no longer be able to speak openly about their concerns with members of staff.
although staff are not allowed to keep secrets, the reporting line for concerns is via the DSL and senior management at the school, and in some cases (FGM for example) directly to the police. Nowhere in KCSIE does it say staff, DSL or senior management must inform parents.
"The second consensus layer is a sequencing protocol that receives encrypted transactions and determines a timestamp for each transaction. This sequencing layer can be run on a central CSP..."
If a new protocol claims to be decentralised, always read the whitepaper.
@CantonNetwork "The submitter sends a confirmation request to every other signatory, attaching only the part of the transaction the other signatory should see, encrypted...." 1/2
Home Office figures show that in the year ending June 2022, it granted 267,670 work visas, of which over half (54%) were for skilled people. The vast majority of these had long-term employer sponsorships, many in health & care.
The "Other" category in the table above is also largely skilled, consisting mainly of people on the "High Potential Individual" and graduate placement schemes.
Interesting. ONS figures show the rise in economic inactivity due to long-term sickness started BEFORE the pandemic. A whole year before, in fact.
Biggest rise among over-50s.
There seems to be evidence that population health is gradually declining. Long-term sickness rates have been slowly increasing for a decade now. Disability rates have too, though this might be because of improved diagnosis (eg of ASD)