François Guizot defined feudalism as perhaps the only form of tyranny that will be never accepted by the ruled. The theocratic despotism, the monarchic despotism can be genuinely loved and voluntarily accepted by their subjects. In contrast, the feudal despotism is always hated
What makes the difference is that a monarch/theocrat does NOT act on his own behalf. To the contrary, he represents something larger, superior to himself. It may be God. It may be an idea. Anyway, he is only a representative of something bigger, making his rule more acceptable
Consider Stalin. He does NOT act on his own behalf. He is merely a representative of something bigger. It's not all about Stalin. It's not all focused on Stalin. There is a divine, super-human institution of which Stalin is only a temporary executive
That's how he borrows power
Submitting to your personal will is very much more digestible if you frame yourself as merely a representative of a superior idea. If you don't really act on your own behalf, then people don't really submit to you (= human), but to the Eternal idea
That sounds better, isn't it?
Paradoxically, to maximise legitimacy and minimise resistance to your personal tyranny, you need to always appeal to something bigger
(that you are only a representative of, as we remember)
If your narcissism is uncontrollable, you will never make it
Retrospectively, the weakest point of Trumpism was that it has all about Trump. A good salesman strategy, a horrible strategy for a politician
Make it all about yourself -> minimise legitimacy and maximise the opposition
If Stalin didn't make it all about himself, why do you?
Trumpism might have benefitted from shifting the focus of attention away from Trump to:
1. The Eternal Idea (that he is merely a representative of) 2. The Great Predecessors (of which he is a reverent disciple) 3. Literally anything else except for his personality
What makes the difference between an acceptable and an unacceptable power is that the former is mystified. If a person in power frames himself as a representative of something bigger, it does not feel like an execution of his personal capricious power. It is usually bearable
And vice versa, nothing increases opposition as much as the open exercise of a capricious personal power. If you aim to maximise resistance, you must emphasise the arbitrary, whimsical manner of your decision making. Make it clear you are acting purely on your personal whim
To summarise
1. Submitting to an idea or principle is more or less bearable to most 2. Submitting to another human is almost always unbearable
People will tolerate almost any tyranny if the element of submitting to another human's capricious will is disguised well enough
That is why any reasonable power will go at great length to disguise this element from the ruled. In contrast, the power that emphasises it is just unreasonable, not to say suicidal. It is unlikely to continue for long
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Fake jobs are completely normal & totally natural. The reason is: nobody understands what is happening and most certainly does not understand why. Like people, including the upper management have some idea of what is happening in an organisation, and this idea is usually wrong.
As they do not know and cannot know causal relations between the input and output, they just try to increase some sort of input, in a hope for a better output, but they do not really know which input to increase.
Insiders with deep & specific knowledge, on the other hand, may have a more clear & definite idea of what is happening, and even certain, non zero degree of understanding of causal links between the input and output
I have recently read someone comparing Trump’s tariffs with collectivisation in the USSR. I think it is an interesting comparison. I don’t think it is exactly the same thing of course. But I indeed think that Stalin’s collectivisation offers an interesting metaphor, a perspective to think about
But let’s make a crash intro first
1. The thing you need to understand about the 1920s USSR is that it was an oligarchic regime. It was not strictly speaking, an autocracy. It was a power of few grandees, of the roughly equal rank.
2. Although Joseph Stalin established himself as the single most influential grandee by 1925, that did not make him a dictator. He was simply the most important guy out there. Otherwise, he was just one of a few. He was not yet the God Emperor he would become later.
The great delusion about popular revolts is that they are provoked by bad conditions of life, and burst out when they exacerbate. Nothing can be further from truth. For the most part, popular revolts do not happen when things get worse. They occur when things turn for the better
This may sound paradoxical and yet, may be easy to explain. When the things had been really, really, really bad, the masses were too weak, to scared and too depressed to even think of raising their head. If they beared any grudges and grievances, they beared them in silence.
When things turn for the better, that is when the people see a chance to restore their pride and agency, and to take revenge for all the past grudges, and all the past fear. As a result, a turn for the better not so much pacifies the population as emboldens and radicalises it.
The first thing to understand about the Russian-Ukrainian war is that Russia did not plan a war. And it, most certainly, did not plan the protracted hostilities of the kind we are seeing today
This entire war is the regime change gone wrong.
Russia did not want a protracted war (no one does). It wanted to replace the government in Kyiv, put Ukraine under control and closely integrate it with Russia
(Operation Danube style)
One thing to understand is that Russia viewed Ukraine as a considerable asset. From the Russian perspective, it was a large and populous country populated by what was (again, from the Russian perspective) effectively the same people. Assimilatable, integratable, recruitable
In 1991, Moscow faced two disobedient ethnic republics: Chechnya and Tatarstan. Both were the Muslim majority autonomies that refused to sign the Federation Treaty (1992), insisting on full sovereignty. In both cases, Moscow was determined to quell them.
Still, the final outcome could not be more different. Chechnya was invaded, its towns razed to the ground, its leader assassinated. Tatarstan, on the other hand, managed to sign a favourable agreement with Moscow that lasted until Putin’s era.
The question is - why.
Retrospectively, this course of events (obliterate Chechnya, negotiate with Tatarstan) may seem predetermined. But it was not considered as such back then. For many, including many of Yeltsin’s own partisans it came as a surprise, or perhaps even as a betrayal.