There has been some confusion about prosecutorial decisions of late. What follows is not aimed at any particular case. I know not why some cases are prosecuted and other are not. But the points below are perhaps not widely known.
1- police are not obliged to report to the procurator fiscal every alleged crime. They have a discretion to issue warnings.
2- however, that does not apply where there is an aggravation. I’d there is then, in general, the case must be reported to the PF.
3- the PF is not obliged to prosecute every reported crime. Again, there is a discretion.
4- once more, however, the discretion not to prosecute is removed, of at least tightly circumscribed, where there is an aggravation.
5- an aggravation relates to certain (but not all) characteristics. Thus race is covered. As is religion; and sexual orientation; and gender reassignment.
6- misogyny, however, is not an aggravation.
7- likewise, being gender critical may be covered under the Equality Act. But it is not covered by aggravations under the criminal law.
8- accordingly, neither an assault on a woman for being a woman, or for being a gender critical woman, is an aggravated crime. A report of such could be dealt with by police warning, or not prosecuted by the PF, under the discretions mentioned above.
9- on the other hand, a s38 (breach of the leave) which involves no assault but which does involve alleged hate crime (re race, religion, sexual orientation etc - but not misogyny) is aggravated and, in general, must be prosecuted and is not subject to those discretions.
10- what this means is a breach of the peace involving verbal abuse of certain minorities must be prosecuted; but the assault of a woman does not have to be. Whether this is desirable or advisable I leave to others. But it’s where the law stands right now. ENDS
Urg. Breach of the “peace”. Not leave.
Apologies for the typos. Haven’t really worked out how to post threads yet… 😳
@IainMcCord @camtacs You can see the current aggravations here:
1: the opinion does not say UKSC was wrong as a matter of domestic law.
2: even if it did, that would be irrelevant, as a decision of UKSC is final and binding unless /
reconsidered by UKSC itself with a higher number of judges. That seems unlikely.
3: it recognises that secession is difficult but not impossible. I think the Prof is right to envisage the ICJ route as likely to be difficult.
4: (and phew..) it places no reliance on the CoR…
5: the main proposed solution is “through a convention of elected and diverse representatives from across Scotland with a clear majority in favour”. What is unclear is as to how such a convention could be set up. If pro-union parties declined to be involved, which seems likely/
Given the number of - oftentimes coordinated - tweets complaining of the use of s35 as an “attack on democracy”, a brief explanation as to why - whatever your views on the merits of the GRR bill - that is not correct.
1. In a democracy, creatures of statute - such as the Scottish Parliament - act within the confines of the Act that created them. 2. Section 35 is part of the Scotland Act. 3. Its exercise is thus not anti-democratic. Rather, it is democracy in action.
4. Nor is it anti-devolution. Section 35 is part of the devolution settlement. 5. The suggestion to the contrary involves arguing that s35 should *never* be exercised. Why, in that case, was it made part of the Act?
This has revealed (to me, anyway, @TwitterSupport) a problem.
Someone reports your tweet. Let’s say they do so maliciously - a reasonable inference here as only a complete idiot could think I wanted to hang the judges.
/ They block the account and send a message. “You are in violation. Account blocked. You have two options: delete the offending tweet, or appeal”.
Appeal. Naturally. But the account is blocked meantime & there’s no indication of how long it will take. So after an hour or so /n
/ you think “oh, whatever, just delete”. But that involves - according to @TwitterSupport - an acceptance that you broke the rules. Which isn’t the case. But you do it anyway as the appeal isn’t worth the hassle. And then you get - wholly unannounced- the following: /n
It’s difficult for the public to get excited about proposals to reform regulation of the legal profession. But this is powerful stuff from the judiciary: @scotgov plans are an assault on the rule of law that must be resisted, root and branch, with tooth and claw. Bravo, m’luds.