@judgeluttig Profile picture
Sep 3 10 tweets 2 min read Twitter logo Read on Twitter
As it always is, it was a pleasure to be on with the exceedingly intelligent, articulate, informed @AliVelshi this morning to discuss the application of the Disqualification Clause of Section 3 of the Fourteenth Amendment to the former president.
I addressed two legitimate questions that have been raised. I explained as to the first -- whether disqualification is anti-democratic -- that actually the Fourteenth Amendment itself declares that disqualification is not anti-democratic at all,
that Section 3 is one of the most democratic provisions in the Constitution precisely because it is a provision of the Constitution. Instead, it is the conduct that gives rise to disqualification under Section 3 that the Constitution deems and declares to be anti-democratic.
The second question I addressed is whether Section 3 of the Fourteenth Amendment "should" be applied today, a question which, in one form, is an entirely legitimate question to ask and consider, and in its other form, a singularly illegitimate question.
When asked as a question of "Politics" with a capital "P" the question is worthy and deserving of consideration in the national conversation. But when asked as a question of "politics" with a lower case "p," it is not.
However, in neither form this question is asked does it pose a question of constitutional law. And as to both forms of this question, the Constitution is indifferent to the answer.
Section 3 is in the Constitution of the United States and it applies to the former president, whether one believes it should apply or should not apply.
Arguments that the Fourteenth Amendment should not be applied to the former president are not much different in principle, if any, than the former president's claim last December that the Constitution should be "terminated" and he installed into the Office of the Presidency.
Unsurprisingly, the Constitution does not permit of the termination or suspension of any of its provisions as and when politically convenient. Indeed it is a Constitution in no small part because it does not permit of such selective political application of any of its provisions.

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More from @judgeluttig

Aug 31
The gravamen of disqualification under Section 3 of the Fourteenth Amendment is an insurrection or rebellion against the Constitution of the United States or the giving of aid or comfort to the enemies of the Constitution.
By the literal terms of Section 3, the gravamen is not
engaging in an insurrection or rebellion against the
governmental authority of the United States.
But it is certain that one of these two formulations of Section 3's proscription — and likely both — will be held to be reasonable interpretations of Section 3. For example, 18 U.S.C § 2383 criminalizes both “rebellion or insurrection against the authority of the United States
Read 5 tweets
Aug 29
Thank you so much for this sincere reply, @narosenblum. I believe you are right that @tribelaw and I disagree (and strongly) with your characterization of @JoeBiden’s response to the Supreme Court’s decision.
But the disagreement over the question of characterization is of surpassing importance to the politicization of law. We do not view the President’s response as defiant, provocative, or disrespectful toward the Court at all.
And yes, we do view it as “business as usual” (though we would not use that pejorative term),
Read 6 tweets
Aug 29
@tribelaw is of course right that Assistant NYU Professor @narosenblum is dead wrong. And it's important that the Professor be corrected. I am unaware of an instance where any serious thinker about the Supreme Court and the Presidency
has claimed that a president who lost his case in the Supreme Court, accepted that loss (as every President is bound by oath to do), and then tried to accomplish his policy objectives by another means than that rejected by the High Court,
has claimed that that president defied the Court or provoked a "very direct confrontation with the Court -- much more so than after Dobbs. Wild stuff," as @narosenblum exaggeratedly wrote in his Tweet on 6/30/23.
Read 9 tweets
Aug 24
This opinion piece in @PostOpinions is not only unintelligible but indecipherable as an opinion of constitutional law -- because it is not an opinion of constitutional law.
Its author, noted Harvard Law Professor @NoahRFeldman, contends that Section 3 of the Fourteenth Amendment does not foreclose the former president from future office for two reasons:

washingtonpost.com/business/2023/…
(1) originalists outside of academia (read, the current Supreme Court) typically won’t apply their originalism if it leads to a result at odds with their conservatism, and (2) Chief Justice Chase's opinion as a Circuit Justice -- not as Chief Justice for the U.S. Supreme Court --
Read 9 tweets
Aug 23
This writer's conclusion is barely disguised political wish proffered as constitutional analysis: "A fair reading of the text and history of the 14th Amendment makes it relatively clear, however, that the disability provision was intended to apply to those
who served the Confederacy during the Civil War. It wasn’t intended as a general provision empowering one party to disqualify the leading candidate of the other party in any future elections."
//compactmag.com/article/no-the-14th-amendment-can-t-disqualify-trump
Read 8 tweets
Aug 17
Thank you so much, Jeff. I actually pre-taped the CNN interview half an hour before it ran. From my perspective, the most important discussion Anderson and I had was that with respect to the Constitution's Disqualification Clause in Section 3 of the Fourteenth Amendment.
And the most important point I made in that discussion was that "the greatest and most celebrated constitutional mind in America for the past four decades," Professor Laurence H. Tribe,
had come to the same conclusion many years ago that Professors Baude and Paulsen have now independently come to:
Read 5 tweets

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