For this discussion, Harappan serves as an adjective for the entire Indus Valley Civilization and not just the city of Harappa. With that out of the way, here’s a very quick lowdown on the social stratification in the Indus way of life.
1. THE HARAPPANS HAD RELIGION.
We know this because they cremated their dead (some practiced burial too, especially in Mohenjo-daro down south, but cremation was far more common elsewhere). Ritualistic disposal of the dead is universally acknowledged as a sign of belief in an afterlife, a most reasonable indicator of organized religion. Grave good and funerary urns add further support to this position. Besides, artifacts like the Pasupati seal, the Linga, the fig-leaf deity, and the Mother Goddess make it clear beyond debate that the civilization had not only an elaborate body of rituals and sacerdotal practices but a whole pantheon of diverse deities.
2. THE HARAPPANS PRACTICED SEGREGATION.
Indus cities are known for their breathtaking urban planning. Besides right-angled streets and wide thoroughfares, these cities also featured a very strong sense of segregation. The typical city was always divided into two parts—a western acropolis and an eastern lower town. The acropolis would always be on higher ground, almost always raised artificially, whereas the lower town consisted of low-cost quarters meant for the non-elites. Of course, the latter also far more vulnerable to seasonal flooding.
Besides the height, there were also walls to further separate the acropolis from the lower quarters.
Further within the lower town, walls were built to further segregate different subsections from each other. This was an incredibly insular civilization as we’ll see later.
3. HARAPPANS WERE INSULAR
Harappans engaged in a lot of trade with civilizations across the mountains and the ocean. Harappan trading stations have been found in the outskirts of the Bactria-Margiana Archeological Complex or Oxus Civilization, such as the settlement of Shortugai on the Oxus River. Harappan seals have been found in Mesopotamian sites as well, which is how we come to know of the name Meluhha.
And yet, no foreign artifact has ever been found in the entire 400,000 square miles of the Indus Civilization. Not one Mesopotamian seal, not one Oxus horde. The Harappans, despite the trade, refused to adopt the cuneiform for their writing. Why the resistance to foreign influence?
4. HARAPPANS RESTRICTED MOVEMENT.
A large number of seals found in various Indus sites are tiny and feature a hole in the center. Archeologists like Mackay interpret them as amulets worn by all citizens and used as travel documents, similar to modern-day passports and visas, for venturing in and out of their respective quarters. Mackay also notes that thse seals were issued at shrines or places of worship.
A big reason Mackay reads them as travel documents is that amulets recovered from the same site also feature the same deity or motif. This is a clear indicator of them being tied to political zones or quarters, thus identifying the wearer as a native of such a quarter.
The hypothesis receives further support from the fact that a similar system of domiciliary identification was reported to be in place on a much smaller scale in late 18th-century Bombay by an Austrian traveler named Charles Hügel. He was visiting a fort near Bombay shortly after its capture in 1756 where just before the entrance, he was struck by a wooden seal of Shri Angria as a mark of approval. Without the seal, one couldn’t enter the gateway. If it was practiced this recently, it’s not improbable to have been in vogue in Bronze Age Harappa and Mohenjo-daro either.
5. HARAPPANS HAD DIVISION OF LABOR.
The fact that Harappan towns were divided into walled quarters obviates further evidencing of social stratification, but what adds to the mountain of proof is the fact that they were a highly industrialized society. The commerce was heavily export-oriented. Carnelian, lapis lazuli, tin, copper, and other raw materials were sourced from places as far as Iran and Afghanistan and finished goods such as beads, trinkets, bronze implements, boats, etc. were exported to Mesopotamia and probably also Egypt.
While agriculture remained a mainstay, livestock rearing was also a major industry. Peacocks and chickens are essentially India’s gifts to the world at large. Such level of industrial diversity clearly indicates professional specialization leading to social divisions.
Question is, do these divisions qualify as stratification?
The walls would say yes. The division between an elite upper town and a non-elite lower town would say yes. But we need more. And that brings us to the darkest aspect of the Indus Valley Civilization’s most renowned feature—its sewage system.
6. THE HARAPPANS HAD EXCELLENT SANITATION—SOMEONE MAINTAINED IT.
The Harappans were some of the first, most likely the first, to have a robust sanitation system so ahead of its time, many parts of the world could still learn from them. They had drains along every major street that received sewage from households several blocks away via terracotta pipes.
But not all houses enjoyed such distance from the ultimate site of disposal. This was a luxury reserved only by the elites. Lesser homes stood far closer to the drains and were forced to deal with the odor.
This difference in access to a most essential “luxury” of urban life already indicates a kind of class hierarchy, if not more. But there IS more. While gravity took care of much effluence, oftentimes waste had to be manually filtered to keep the drains flowing. Given the vastness of the drainage, especially in cities like Mohenjo-daro, it’s now understood that the job was assigned to a specialized manual taskforce that worked nights while the rest of the city slept.
So this is what we have so far:
The Harappans were religious, avoided contact (purity?), practiced urban segregation and restricted movement between social zones (apartheid?), had division of labor (professional specialization or jatis?), and had a separate class of nighttime workers to handle their sanitation—who were forced to live closer to the cesspit than the rest of the city (untouchability?).
We are free to conclude that there was no caste system in the Harappan culture as we ae yet to conclusively decipher their writing. But it stands demonstrated that their society had every feature we currently attribute to the Hindu caste system. Whether or not they were endogamous, we don’t know. But we know beyond doubt that the totem pole of Harappan caste hierarchy had both lowly sanitation workers and citadel-dwelling priestly elites, and the twain were separated by walls, height, and amulets.
Next time, there’ll be a part 4 discussing how Buddhism, the posterchild of anti-caste crusade embraced not only caste in its early days, but also at one point, adopted Manusmriti as a template for a political constitution!
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[SHARIABOLSHEVISM]
1/20
About 50 years ago, campus commies and career Marxists helped Khomeini turn Iran into a Shariʿa hellscape.
But this was neither an anomaly, nor the first. Islam and communism have always been ideological bedmates, but first let’s talk Sudan.
2/20
Sudan under Ibrahim Abbud had a secular constitution. Abbud had a tight leash on all Islamic outfits in his realm and crushed any attempt to legitimize them with a dictatorial hand. It was no fairytale, but it was secular.
Then came a student uprising.
3/20
In 1964, the regime banned a student seminar at the Uni. of Khartoum for being antinational. Protests followed, then came police action, a dead student, and finally, the Sudanese Communist Party.
On its rolls? Students, professors, teachers, lawyers, the usual suspects.
Dear Anuja. With no malice and no sense of superiority, I would like to counter you in behalf of the author. My only intent is to enlighten both you and our readers because ignorance serves none.
From the confidence of your critique, I am assuming you have read the Baburnama firsthand. I have. Not in Persian like Aabhas, but in English, a language us non-scholars are familiar with.
We will take this up one critique at a time. I will be quoting you verbatim, and then offering the rebuttal for that specific claim, and so on. Hope you take it in the right spirit.
“Babur is harshly criticised for being too much of a religious fanatic committed to rooting out the kafirs and infidels.”
This is what Babur says in his journal (Baburnama):
For Islam’s sake, I wandered in the wilds,
Prepared for war with pagans and Hindus,
Resolved myself to meet the martyr’s death.
Thanks be to God! A ghazi became.
Do you sense any ambiguity here? No, right? So Babur’s intent seems mighty indisputable. What’s your critique then? That Aabhas tells us about this? Don’t you think Babur would have wanted this told?
“Yet, in nearly every other page amidst the tediously trotted-out information dump, the reader is told that Babur, in direct violation of Islamic principles, indulged in inebriants and intoxicants at interminable wine and arak parties, and was a drunken sot who also exhibited homosexual tendencies.”
Before we even touch upon his drinking and sexuality, I want to understand the critique here, admitting both allegations, of alcohol and homosexuality. How is it the author’s fault?
If Babur wanted to spread Islam by the sword while also violating two most fundamentals of the faith, doesn’t it make him the hypocrite? What are you expecting the author to do here? Gloss over it?
First of all, Babur was a Central Asian Turkic. In that part of the world at least in those days, wine and jihad going hand-in-hand was no anomaly. Even today, Central Asia is the most alcohol-friendly part of the Muslim world. Having said that, Babur did give up wine. This is what he writes:
And I made public the resolution to abstain from wine, which had been hidden in the treasury of my breast. The victorious servants, in accordance with the illustrious order, dashed upon the earth of contempt and destruction the flagons and the cups, and the other utensils in gold and silver, which in their number and their brilliance were like the stars of the firmament.
And guess what, this happened BEFORE he crowned himself “ghazi” to fight the “pagans and Hindus.”
Now coming to his homosexuality, this is what he wrote for a slave boy in Ferghana:
May none be as I, humbled and wretched and lovesick;
No beloved as thou art to me, cruel and careless.
Would you not call this romantic? Is there a more “platonic” interpretation that we’re unable to see through our saffron-tinted lens? Is it evil, bigoted, or Islamophobic to repeat what Babur has in no ambiguous terms stated himself? Please be intellectually honest here. Am sure you’re capable of that.
To reiterate, both these episodes—his renunciation of alcohol and his homosexuality—predate the inauguration of his anti-Hindu crusade.
The whole idea that Savarkar called himself “veer” goes back to a single source—The Life of Barrister Savarkar, an autobiographical work by the man himself under the pseudonym Chitragupta.
So Savarkar basically wrote a whole book under a fake name just to make himself look cool. Pretty vain, if you ask me. But there’s a catch...
The word “veer” does not appear even once in the entire original edition! Yes, Savarkar wrote under a pseudonym but he did NOT award himself any fancy title, much less “veer.” Then where did the canard even originate?
A later edition from 1986.
A good 20 years after Savarkar’s death.
And the only place it appears is in the preface. Who wrote the preface? A man named Dr. Ravindra Vaman Ramdas.
Also, in case you missed it, this is also the fist time “Barrister Savarkar” of the original title becomes “Swatantra Veer Savarkar.”
In sum, someone called Savarkar “veer” in a preface to a much later edition of the original. We’ll come to the absurd leap from THIS to Savarkar calling himself veer, but first let’s find out why Dr. Ramdas did it in the first place.
Turns out, the title was first accorded to him as early as 1917 in a Ghadar Party publication calling for his release from Cellular. Of course, I can’t read Urdu, nor is this my own finding. These are the two sources should you feel like a deeper dive:
This absurd leap happened in 2017 when a man named Ziya Us Salam (of course) made the claim in
a 2018 book titled Of Saffron Flags and Skullcaps: Hindutva, Muslim Identity and the Idea of India. where he writes,
“Incidentally, he is said to have added the prefix ‘Veer’ to his name himself through a biography he himself authored.”
Interestingly, Salam leaves a clever wiggle room for himself with “said to have added” instead of a more assertive “added.” Why would be be so unsure? Perhaps because he knew he was lying? Do note that he himself notes the title of the autobiography as the original “Life of Barrister Savarkar” and not “Life of Swatantra Veer Savarkar” where the epithet actually appears.
Our next exhibit doesn’t bother even with that ambiguity.
1/50
In January 2010, officials of the International Atomic Energy Agency or IAEA noticed strange goings-on at the uranium enrichment plant at Natanz, about 200 miles south of Tehran. The centrifuges at the facility were being decommissioned at an unusual rate.
2/50
Centrifuges are fragile and tend to break down, with an estimated 10% annual failure rate. In November 2009, there were 8,700 at this facility, so around 800 were expected to fail by the end of 2010. But this was still January, and the inspectors had already counted 2,000.
3/50
Before we go on, it’s important to understand some elementary concepts here. There are two uranium isotopes, U235 and U238. While both are radioactive, U235 is far preferred than its heavier sibling in nuclear applications, both civilian and military.
[THE FORGOTTEN MASTERSTROKE]
1/25
Wires, electronics, explosives, and other wares were smuggled into Iran over the course of a year. Covertly. One small piece at a time. All meant for in situ assembly. When finally put together, the contraption weighed nearly a ton. At its heart was a Belgian-made FN MAG machine gun.
2/25
As should be an easy guess, this was in preparation for an assassination. The year was 2020. Target? A high-profile IRGC asset, big enough to enjoy the highest levels of State protection. You likely guessed Qasem Soleimani, the commander of the Quds Force, but you’re wrong.
3/25
This was someone else, just as important to the Islamic regime, if not more, but remarkably under popular radar. Soleimani was taken in January, on foreign soil. This one would meet his fate in November.
This is Sajit Chandra Debnath, a 42-year-old Bangladeshi with two business degrees and a doctorate from Japan’s Ritsumeikan Asia Pacific University. Born in an influential Hindu family not far from Dhaka, Sajit coauthored over two dozen papers on business studies and taught at his Japanese alma mater for over five years. Even took a Japanese wife.
This is him now. I mean as of 2014. Or 2008, who knows. What happened?
Sometime before 2008, Sajit converted to Islam. Sometime before 2008 because we don’t know for sure. 2008 is when he was first noticed sporting a beard by his family. Which he tried hiding behind a surgical mask then.
In this avatar, he’d gone from Sajit Chandra Debnath to Mohammad Saifullah Ozaki, the name he’s still known by.
In 2014, he joined the ISIS-affiliated Jamaat-ul-Mujahideen Bangladesh or JMB and came in contact with one Gazi Sohan at a Dhaka mosque.