Does it make sense to say that China has a low level of democracy?👇If Russia’s autocracy hardens, does that make the world less democratic? Or should we bring back the classic democracy vs dictatorship distinction, and only distinguish the level of democracy of democracies?🧵
1/13 The literature and reports on democracy are full of figures that plot all countries of the world along a continuum from less to more democratic .👇
2/13 It is also common to come across figures that aggregate data on all countries of the world and purport to offer measures of the global level of democracy. 👇
3/13. The assumption that that all countries (including autocracies) can be compared according to their level of democracy is embedded in V-Dem indices and their claim that “the level of democracy enjoyed by the average global citizen in 2022 is down to 1986 levels.”👇
4/13 These figures seem to convey an impressive amount of knowledge. But are they meaningful? Or are they examples of what Stein Rokkan, a scholar committed to quantification in the social sciences, called “numerological nonsense”? (Citizens, Elections, Parties 1970: 288).
5/13 One key problem concerns how we think of the relationship between qualitative and quantitative distinctions or between dichotomies, that convey distinctions of kind, and continuums, that convey the degree to which certain properties are possessed.
6/13 Collier & Adcock provide one of the most detailed discussions of the matter.👇But they adopt a pragmatic position & treat concepts as tools to be evaluated in terms of their practical use. Indeed, it is questionable that we can pick among options insofar as they work for us.
7/13 Others suggest that we can start with continuous measures of democracy that cover all countries in the world and subsequently derive, through empirical analysis, a cut-off point on a continuum that distinguishes democracies from dictatorships.👇
8/13 Here the problem is that we end up calling a set of countries democracies simply because people agree to call those countries democracies rather than because we define democracy in terms of certain properties & have measures to show which countries share those properties.
9/13 So I keep coming back to the approach proposed by Adam Przeworski @AdamPrzeworski and his coauthors.👇
10/13 Whether we use a minimalist concept of democracy or not, Przeworski et al. offer as general advice that (1) we start with the distinction between democracies and dictatorships, and (2) only after this consider how democracies vary in democraticness.
11/13 This advice is the same as that offered by Giovanni Sartori and Mario Bunge.👇
12/13 We clearly want measures that distinguish (1) democracies from dictatorships, and (2) democracies in terms of their degree of democracy. I do not know anyone who insists on the importance of dichotomies that disagrees with this point.
13/13 But if we are going to provide meaningful measures of democracy, that yield numbers we can interpret, we need to overcome the common tendency to think in terms of a continuum that is used to line up all countries from less to more democratic. Such measures do not make sense
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𝗠𝗶𝗰𝗵𝗮𝗲𝗹 𝗠𝗮𝗻𝗻 has been called “the greatest comparative historical sociologist of our time” (John Hall). He combines Weber & Marx but discusses military & geopolitics more. He integrates sociology & history. His work spans world history
🧵with resources on Mann’s works
𝗦𝗼𝘂𝗿𝗰𝗲𝘀. Mann is best known for his four-volume work 𝘛𝘩𝘦 𝘚𝘰𝘶𝘳𝘤𝘦𝘴 𝘰𝘧 𝘚𝘰𝘤𝘪𝘢𝘭 𝘗𝘰𝘸𝘦𝘳, on the changes in power (economic, political, military, ideological) from around 3,000 BC to the present.👇
𝗦𝗼𝘂𝗿𝗰𝗲𝘀 𝗜 Mann’s 𝘛𝘩𝘦 𝘚𝘰𝘶𝘳𝘤𝘦𝘴 𝘰𝘧 𝘚𝘰𝘤𝘪𝘢𝘭 𝘗𝘰𝘸𝘦𝘳 Vol. I (1986) includes Chapter 1, which Mann says is the best thing he has written.👇
𝗠𝗶𝗰𝗵𝗮𝗲𝗹 𝗠𝗮𝗻𝗻 ha sido llamado “el mayor sociólogo histórico comparativo de nuestro tiempo”. Combina a Weber y Marx, pero escribe sobre militares y geopolítica. Integra sociología e historia. Sus textos abarcan la historia mundial.
🧵con recursos sobre la obra de Mann
𝗙𝘂𝗲𝗻𝘁𝗲𝘀. Mann es mejor conocido por su obra en 4 volúmenes, 𝘓𝘢𝘴 𝘧𝘶𝘦𝘯𝘵𝘦𝘴 𝘥𝘦𝘭 𝘱𝘰𝘥𝘦𝘳 𝘴𝘰𝘤𝘪𝘢𝘭, sobre los cambios de poder (económico, político, militar, ideológico) desde aproximadamente el 3.000 a.C. hasta la actualidad.👇
𝗙𝘂𝗲𝗻𝘁𝗲𝘀 𝗜 El volumen de 𝘓𝘢𝘴 𝘧𝘶𝘦𝘯𝘵𝘦𝘴 𝘥𝘦𝘭 𝘱𝘰𝘥𝘦𝘳 𝘴𝘰𝘤𝘪𝘢𝘭 (1991 [1986]) incluye el Capítulo 1, una discusión de teoría que Mann dice es lo mejor que ha escrito.👇
¿Cómo puede usarse la comparación como método para aprender sobre América Latina y cómo puede usarse el estudio de América Latina para contribuir a las Ciencias Sociales?
Aquí discuto algunos problemas en el análisis comparativo y varias opciones.
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¿𝗘𝘂𝗿𝗼𝗽𝗮 𝗰𝗼𝗺𝗼 𝗵𝗶𝘀𝘁𝗼𝗿𝗶𝗮 𝘂𝗻𝗶𝘃𝗲𝗿𝘀𝗮𝗹? 𝗜 Existe una tendencia a ver la historia de Europa como historia universal y, por lo tanto, a considerar a América Latina como una desviación de ese patrón, al que le faltan varias cosas.
¿𝗘𝘂𝗿𝗼𝗽𝗮 𝗰𝗼𝗺𝗼 𝗵𝗶𝘀𝘁𝗼𝗿𝗶𝗮 𝘂𝗻𝗶𝘃𝗲𝗿𝘀𝗮𝗹? 𝗜𝗜 La teoría de la modernización adoptó esta perspectiva. Y muchos trabajos siguen usando esta perspectiva. Un signo revelador de esta forma de pensar es que supone que hay una manera de hacer las cosas.
𝗣𝗿𝗼𝗯𝗹𝗲𝗺𝗮𝘀 𝗱𝗲 𝘆 𝗽𝗮𝗿𝗮 𝗹𝗮 𝗱𝗲𝗺𝗼𝗰𝗿𝗮𝗰𝗶𝗮 Para evitar el problema de definiciones maximalistas de la democracia, he usado la distinción entre problemas 𝘥𝘦 y 𝘱𝘢𝘳𝘢 la democracia y he estudiado la relación reciproca entre estas dos clases de problemas👇
🧵
1/17 Democracia descontextualizada. Existe una tendencia en la Ciencia Política a estudiar la democracia como un conjunto de instituciones políticas aisladas de la sociedad. Esto es un problema: la democracia siempre debe entenderse en relación a su contexto social.
2/17 Definiciones maximalistas de democracia. Una respuesta a lo que se considera correctamente como un análisis descontextualizado de la democracia ha sido la propuesta de definiciones amplias de democracia que incluyen ciertas características de la sociedad.
En las concepciones minimalistas, la democracia es una propiedad del régimen político. En las concepciones maximalistas, se refiere también al Estado entendido como administración pública o a la sociedad.
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I. Preguntas. ¿Tiene sentido considerar al Estado, entendido como administración pública, y la sociedad referentes de la democracia? ¿O es mejor ver a la democracia sólo como un tipo de régimen político?
II. La posición de O’Donnell. O’Donnell argumentó, como Dahl, que la democracia es un régimen político. Pero propuso extender el referente de la democracia al Estado y el contexto social, y vio a los derechos civiles, sociales y culturales como propiedades de la democracia.👇
𝗛𝗼𝘄 𝘄𝗲 𝗱𝗲𝗳𝗶𝗻𝗲 𝗱𝗲𝗺𝗼𝗰𝗿𝗮𝗰𝘆 affects how we discuss democracy. And a common and problematic tendency is to include all sorts of things we think are good in our definition of democracy.
🧵on how to avoid the problem of maximalist definitions of democracy.
𝗣𝗿𝗼𝗯𝗹𝗲𝗺 𝗮𝗻𝗱 𝗦𝗼𝗹𝘂𝘁𝗶𝗼𝗻𝘀. Democracy is connected to the economy, the culture and the state. Yet if we overload the concept of democracy, we obscure those relationships.
Here are three ways to think about the meaning of democracy that avoid this problem.
𝗜. 𝗗𝗮𝗵𝗹 first argues that democracy is justified by the idea of intrinsic equality. And then he presents a discussion that distinguishes among elements that are “integral,” “external but necessary,” and “external but not necessary” to the democratic process.👇