Does it make sense to say that China has a low level of democracy?👇If Russia’s autocracy hardens, does that make the world less democratic? Or should we bring back the classic democracy vs dictatorship distinction, and only distinguish the level of democracy of democracies?🧵
1/13 The literature and reports on democracy are full of figures that plot all countries of the world along a continuum from less to more democratic .👇
2/13 It is also common to come across figures that aggregate data on all countries of the world and purport to offer measures of the global level of democracy. 👇
3/13. The assumption that that all countries (including autocracies) can be compared according to their level of democracy is embedded in V-Dem indices and their claim that “the level of democracy enjoyed by the average global citizen in 2022 is down to 1986 levels.”👇
4/13 These figures seem to convey an impressive amount of knowledge. But are they meaningful? Or are they examples of what Stein Rokkan, a scholar committed to quantification in the social sciences, called “numerological nonsense”? (Citizens, Elections, Parties 1970: 288).
5/13 One key problem concerns how we think of the relationship between qualitative and quantitative distinctions or between dichotomies, that convey distinctions of kind, and continuums, that convey the degree to which certain properties are possessed.
6/13 Collier & Adcock provide one of the most detailed discussions of the matter.👇But they adopt a pragmatic position & treat concepts as tools to be evaluated in terms of their practical use. Indeed, it is questionable that we can pick among options insofar as they work for us.
7/13 Others suggest that we can start with continuous measures of democracy that cover all countries in the world and subsequently derive, through empirical analysis, a cut-off point on a continuum that distinguishes democracies from dictatorships.👇
8/13 Here the problem is that we end up calling a set of countries democracies simply because people agree to call those countries democracies rather than because we define democracy in terms of certain properties & have measures to show which countries share those properties.
9/13 So I keep coming back to the approach proposed by Adam Przeworski @AdamPrzeworski and his coauthors.👇
10/13 Whether we use a minimalist concept of democracy or not, Przeworski et al. offer as general advice that (1) we start with the distinction between democracies and dictatorships, and (2) only after this consider how democracies vary in democraticness.
11/13 This advice is the same as that offered by Giovanni Sartori and Mario Bunge.👇
12/13 We clearly want measures that distinguish (1) democracies from dictatorships, and (2) democracies in terms of their degree of democracy. I do not know anyone who insists on the importance of dichotomies that disagrees with this point.
13/13 But if we are going to provide meaningful measures of democracy, that yield numbers we can interpret, we need to overcome the common tendency to think in terms of a continuum that is used to line up all countries from less to more democratic. Such measures do not make sense
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Un argumento histórico común en las Ciencias Sociales es q algunas cosas se originan en un pasado distante y luego persisten después de q la causa que condujo a su origen dejó de operar. Pero esos argumentos son incompletos si no especifican por qué persiste un efecto.👇
🧵largo
1/11 Estudios de persistencia. Es común argumentar q algún evento distante (p.ej., el colonialismo, la II Guerra Mundial) tiene un impacto q perdura muchas décadas e incluso siglos después. Muchos ejemplos de tales argumentos los proporcionan los llamados estudios de persistencia
2/11 Resúmenes I. Para una descripción general de los estudios de persistencia en Economía, ver Martina Cioni, Giovanni Federico y Michelangelo Vasta, “Persistence Studies: A New Kind of Economic History?” Review of Regional Research 42 (2022): 227-48.
𝗥𝗲𝗰𝘂𝗿𝘀𝗼𝘀 𝗱𝗲 𝗖𝗶𝗲𝗻𝗰𝗶𝗮 𝗣𝗼𝗹𝗶́𝘁𝗶𝗰𝗮 2/3. En Ciencia Política es indispensable leer textos clásicos, varios escritos en inglés
Estos 4 libros ofrecen traducciones al español de tales textos; 3 con introducciones generales muy buenas por @SLMazzuca
🧵c/enlaces
Batlle, Albert (ed.), Diez textos básicos de ciencia política (2001).
Acuña, Carlos H (coordinador de serie), Sebastián Mazzuca @SLMazzuca (compilador del volumen), Regímenes políticos. Orígenes y efectos (2016). Disponible aquí: scioteca.caf.com/bitstream/hand…
Vale la pena leer y reflexionar sobre el apéndice de 𝘓𝘢 𝘪𝘮𝘢𝘨𝘪𝘯𝘢𝘤𝘪𝘰́𝘯 𝘴𝘰𝘤𝘪𝘰𝘭𝘰́𝘨𝘪𝘤𝘢 de C. Wright Mills.
Aquí hay una selección de algunos puntos clave que Mills hace en su discusión sobre la artesanía intelectual.🧵
𝟭 𝗩𝗶𝗱𝗮 𝘆 𝘁𝗿𝗮𝗯𝗮𝗷𝗼 “Los pensadores más admirables de la comunidad escolar no separan su trabajo de sus vidas” (Mills 2003 [1959]: 164)
𝟮 𝗔𝗿𝗰𝗵𝗶𝘃𝗼𝘀 “Debéis organizar un archivo [sobre] la experiencia personal y las actividades profesionales, los estudios en marcha y en proyecto. Desarrollando de ese modo hábitos de autoreflexión, aprendéis a mantener despierto vuestro mundo interior” (Mills 2003: 165)
What paths or sequences of democratization & state building are more likely to end in democracies with capable states? Is there only 1 viable path? What determines progress toward a high-capacity democracy?
This long🧵summarizes claims related to these question made in 6 books👇
1/14 𝗧𝗶𝗹𝗹𝘆. Tilly set the terms for this debate. He saw extreme options as problematic but thought the “strong state” path was more viable than the “weak state” path and saw a "medium state" path as viable.👇
Terminé de escribir una columna para 𝘊𝘭𝘢𝘳𝘪́𝘯 sobre el tema que trabajé este fin de semana: líderes personalistas, delfines políticos y democracia.
Lo comparto apenas salga.
Acá tiro un par de ideas, sobre la institucionalización del carisma y sobre México.🧵
1/n Me parece que es importante incorporar a la discusión sobre líderes personalistas una idea central del trabajo de Caitlin Andrews-Lee @caitlineandrews en su libro "The Emergence and Revival of Charismatic Movements" (2021).
2/n En vez de pensar con el esquema Weberiano (la durabilidad de un movimiento depende de la rutinización/institucionalización del carisma), hay que entender cómo el aspecto personalizado de los movimientos puede perdurar.
Pablo Semán discute Argentina pero expresa una idea relevante para toda América Latina al decir q "La crisis de la democracia expresada en el ascenso de candidatos autoritarios es . una crisis del sistema de partidos políticos . una crisis del Estado."🧵
Para profundizar sobre el tema de los partidos, una fuente útil son los comentarios recientes de @RodrigoBarrene4 y Alberto Vergara en 𝘕𝘶𝘦𝘷𝘢 𝘚𝘰𝘤𝘪𝘦𝘥𝘢𝘥.👇