🧵We’re $33 trillion in debt because when Congress passes spending bills, each item is often tied to every other item—packaged together in one, gigantic bill. That bill is then presented to Congress on a take-it-or-leave-it basis, with no real chance to amend, improve, or cut.
The formula has been quite consistent for years: a tiny group of leaders — which I refer to as “The Law Firm of Schumer, McConnell, McCarthy & Jeffries” — privately negotiates a “draft” spending bill, some would say with more input from lobbyists than most members of Congress.
That bill is kept as if it were a highly classified secret until days (sometimes hours) before a spending deadline—that is, the moment the government will run out of money, resulting in a shutdown unless Congress passes another spending bill.
It’s not unusual for some powerful lobbyists to know more about what’s in the bill (prior to its release) than most members of Congress.
As soon as it’s been released, allowing most members of Congress to see it for the first time, lawmakers in both chambers are told “you’ve got to pass this — right now, without any changes — in order to avoid a shutdown.”
Lawmakers who want time to read and amend the bill—and to remove excessive or inappropriate items in the bill (or add new items wrongly omitted from it)—are told “that would be nice, but there just isn’t time for any of that.”
Lawmakers are also told essentially: “you’ve got two options here: you can vote for the bill, or you can vote against it. Yes or no. No amendments. It’s your choice. But know this: if you oppose the bill, you’ll risk causing a shutdown, and you’ll be blamed if that happens.”
Many members quickly acquiesce to these intimidation tactics, uttering (as if reciting a mantra), rehearsed phrases like “this bill isn’t perfect, and the process was totally unfair, but I (heroically) voted for it anyway because I care about the troops and hate shutdowns.”
Never mind that the bill spends too much money. Never mind that it funds countless things those voting “yes” publicly oppose. Never mind that, for all most of Congress knows, the bill might fund giant monuments to Benedict Arnold, King George III, and Milli Vanilli. They’re in.
Nobody wants a shutdown. Literally no one. It’s wrong for the Law Firm — whose members control the legislative schedules in both chambers — to pin the shutdown risk on rank-and-file lawmakers when the Law Firm itself has, quite deliberately, created that risk by its own delay.
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The intolerant often want to use government to silence those who disagree with them. To that end, on occasion they identify an “emergency” that in their view somehow justifies the criminalization of non-criminal conduct — not just any such conduct, but conduct that is commonly engaged in by people who don’t agree with them. The action taken yesterday by the governor of New Mexico is an example of this approach. Another example can be found in The Salt Lake Tribune’s call — issued by its editorial board in 2022 — for Utah’s governor to “deploy the national guard” to impose house arrest on all Utahns “without proof of vaccination.” Through these and countless other examples, we can discern the importance of maintaining a degree of skepticism toward those wanting to restrict liberty on the basis of an “emergency.”
Nobody loves an “emergency” more than a socialist.
“Mitch McÂConnell has been makÂing daily floor speeches on the need for more Ukraine fundÂing, worÂried Mr. McÂCarthy can’t get this cruÂcial aid past House GOP spendÂing hard-linÂers. So Mr. McÂConnell is … signÂing up to help Mr. Schumer ram the whole packÂage down the House’s throat.”
Biden Pentagon to Americans: “If you call us out when we flout federal law—by using DOD funds for abortion travel—we’ll accuse you of giving aid and comfort to communists and other dictators.” dailysignal.com/2023/09/07/lee…
Americans to Biden Pentagon: “We give you nearly $1 TRILLION a year to fight our enemies, not us.”
It’s long past time for accountability at the Pentagon. We need to clean house.
🧵 1. Regardless of what you think of Trump or his response to the outcome of the 2020 election, prosecuting him for things he did while president is dangerous.
2. As David Rivkin and Lee Casey make clear in their excellent piece in the Wall Street Journal, prosecuting former presidents for things they did in office “would cripÂple the abilÂity of all fuÂture presÂiÂdents to perÂform their conÂstiÂtuÂtional reÂsponÂsiÂbilÂiÂties vigÂor… twitter.com/i/web/status/1…
3. “That’s why we have presÂiÂdenÂtial imÂmuÂnity in the first place.” tinyurl.com/yzrknx79
🧵 1. Americans with type-1 diabetes need new, innovative treatment options—including potential cures. FDA could help by treating pancreatic islet cells as organs (which they are) and not as drugs. My bill, the ISLET Act, would require FDA to do that. dailycaller.com/2023/07/17/fda…
2. That begs the question: why doesn’t FDA treat pancreatic islet cells as organs — especially considering that they ARE organs — without being forced to do so?
3. Sure, pharmaceutical companies wouldn’t like that—because then they’d lose the chance to patent and capture a financial windfall from a time-limited monopoly on organs harvested from cadavers, which no normal person would think of as drugs.
🧵 1. Federal law effectively gives agricultural special-interest groups called “check-off programs” the power to tax. Not surprisingly, this cozy arrangement has given rise to allegations of serious abuse and corruption.
2. I’ve introduced legislation to reform check-off programs. Some of them fear my proposed reforms so much that they’re willing to attack me and the simple reforms I’ve proposed—at times engaging in rank dishonesty.
3. By mischaracterizing the simple reforms they so aggressively (and indeed misleadingly) oppose—rather than addressing them on the merits of what they would actually do—the most dishonest check-off programs unwittingly make the case for reform.