@judgeluttig Profile picture
Sep 18 12 tweets 2 min read Twitter logo Read on Twitter
There is simply no basis in constitutional interpretation, reason, or logic for concluding from the constitutional fact that the president nominates and appoints “Officers of the United States” under Article II, Section 2, Clause 2, that the president is not
“an officer of the United States” for purposes of the Disqualification Clause of Section 3 of the Fourteenth Amendment. Such is constitutional non sequitur. Under the Constitution, the president holds the “Office of the President of the United States.”
He is unquestionably an “officer of the United States,” even if he is not an “Officer of the United States” for purposes of the Appointments Clause. The fact that the president is elected, not appointed, and therefore is not an “Officer of the United States”
for purposes of the Appointments Clause, does not ipso facto render him not an “officer of the United States” for purposes of the Disqualification Clause. Not only is there no reason to think that the term in the two different clauses would have the same meaning,
there is every reason to believe that the notable, but never noted, differently capitalized terms “Officers of the United States” in the Appointments Clause and “officers of the United States” in the Disqualification Clause would have different meanings.
Moreover, there is every reason to believe that the term in the Disqualification Clause would have a broader meaning, given that clause’s purpose, than the narrower and more specific meaning of the term in the Appointments Clause.
That the two terms would have different meanings, thus obviating the absurd result that would otherwise obtain were one to read the term in the two different clauses identically, would seem obvious,
given that the two clauses became parts of the Constitution at entirely different times in the Constitution’s history and were included in the Constitution for vastly different and totally unrelated purposes.
The Appointments Clause was in, and essential to, the original Constitution in 1787, while the Disqualification Clause of the Fourteenth Amendment was not added to the Constitution until 1868, in answer to the specific post-Civil War concern that confederate officers,
having previously taken the oath to support the Constitution, would engage in insurrection or rebellion against that Constitution and thereafter seek the highest offices in the United States.
It defies belief that the Framers of the Fourteenth Amendment intended to exclude from the ambit and reach of Section 3 a former president who engaged in an insurrection or rebellion against the Constitution the first time that he was president.
Not only does the text of Section 3 not permit of such an absurd result, it forecloses it.

• • •

Missing some Tweet in this thread? You can try to force a refresh
 

Keep Current with @judgeluttig

@judgeluttig Profile picture

Stay in touch and get notified when new unrolls are available from this author!

Read all threads

This Thread may be Removed Anytime!

PDF

Twitter may remove this content at anytime! Save it as PDF for later use!

Try unrolling a thread yourself!

how to unroll video
  1. Follow @ThreadReaderApp to mention us!

  2. From a Twitter thread mention us with a keyword "unroll"
@threadreaderapp unroll

Practice here first or read more on our help page!

More from @judgeluttig

Sep 3
As it always is, it was a pleasure to be on with the exceedingly intelligent, articulate, informed @AliVelshi this morning to discuss the application of the Disqualification Clause of Section 3 of the Fourteenth Amendment to the former president.
I addressed two legitimate questions that have been raised. I explained as to the first -- whether disqualification is anti-democratic -- that actually the Fourteenth Amendment itself declares that disqualification is not anti-democratic at all,
that Section 3 is one of the most democratic provisions in the Constitution precisely because it is a provision of the Constitution. Instead, it is the conduct that gives rise to disqualification under Section 3 that the Constitution deems and declares to be anti-democratic.
Read 10 tweets
Aug 31
The gravamen of disqualification under Section 3 of the Fourteenth Amendment is an insurrection or rebellion against the Constitution of the United States or the giving of aid or comfort to the enemies of the Constitution.
By the literal terms of Section 3, the gravamen is not
engaging in an insurrection or rebellion against the
governmental authority of the United States.
But it is certain that one of these two formulations of Section 3's proscription — and likely both — will be held to be reasonable interpretations of Section 3. For example, 18 U.S.C § 2383 criminalizes both “rebellion or insurrection against the authority of the United States
Read 5 tweets
Aug 29
Thank you so much for this sincere reply, @narosenblum. I believe you are right that @tribelaw and I disagree (and strongly) with your characterization of @JoeBiden’s response to the Supreme Court’s decision.
But the disagreement over the question of characterization is of surpassing importance to the politicization of law. We do not view the President’s response as defiant, provocative, or disrespectful toward the Court at all.
And yes, we do view it as “business as usual” (though we would not use that pejorative term),
Read 6 tweets
Aug 29
@tribelaw is of course right that Assistant NYU Professor @narosenblum is dead wrong. And it's important that the Professor be corrected. I am unaware of an instance where any serious thinker about the Supreme Court and the Presidency
has claimed that a president who lost his case in the Supreme Court, accepted that loss (as every President is bound by oath to do), and then tried to accomplish his policy objectives by another means than that rejected by the High Court,
has claimed that that president defied the Court or provoked a "very direct confrontation with the Court -- much more so than after Dobbs. Wild stuff," as @narosenblum exaggeratedly wrote in his Tweet on 6/30/23.
Read 9 tweets
Aug 24
This opinion piece in @PostOpinions is not only unintelligible but indecipherable as an opinion of constitutional law -- because it is not an opinion of constitutional law.
Its author, noted Harvard Law Professor @NoahRFeldman, contends that Section 3 of the Fourteenth Amendment does not foreclose the former president from future office for two reasons:

washingtonpost.com/business/2023/…
(1) originalists outside of academia (read, the current Supreme Court) typically won’t apply their originalism if it leads to a result at odds with their conservatism, and (2) Chief Justice Chase's opinion as a Circuit Justice -- not as Chief Justice for the U.S. Supreme Court --
Read 9 tweets
Aug 23
This writer's conclusion is barely disguised political wish proffered as constitutional analysis: "A fair reading of the text and history of the 14th Amendment makes it relatively clear, however, that the disability provision was intended to apply to those
who served the Confederacy during the Civil War. It wasn’t intended as a general provision empowering one party to disqualify the leading candidate of the other party in any future elections."
//compactmag.com/article/no-the-14th-amendment-can-t-disqualify-trump
Read 8 tweets

Did Thread Reader help you today?

Support us! We are indie developers!


This site is made by just two indie developers on a laptop doing marketing, support and development! Read more about the story.

Become a Premium Member ($3/month or $30/year) and get exclusive features!

Become Premium

Don't want to be a Premium member but still want to support us?

Make a small donation by buying us coffee ($5) or help with server cost ($10)

Donate via Paypal

Or Donate anonymously using crypto!

Ethereum

0xfe58350B80634f60Fa6Dc149a72b4DFbc17D341E copy

Bitcoin

3ATGMxNzCUFzxpMCHL5sWSt4DVtS8UqXpi copy

Thank you for your support!

Follow Us on Twitter!

:(