Marko Attila Hoare Profile picture
Oct 1, 2023 21 tweets 7 min read Read on X
I've watched Boris Malagurski's 'Srpska: The Struggle for Freedom'. As genocide-denialist propaganda goes, this is a thin effort: the whole film is narration by a Serbian-Australian TV presenter. Except for Emir Kusturica, no actual Serbs or anyone else were interviewed🧵 Image
2) There's no attempt to distinguish fact from fiction by consulting proper sources. So film director Kusturica is treated as an expert; Ivo Andric's novel 'Bridge on the Drina' (00:40:30) is a source for Ottoman history; the Kosovo legend is treated as historical fact (01:24:45) Image
3) The history is sloppy, e.g. the claim (01:02:01) that the 1941 Serb uprising in Nevesinje was the first time any nation in Europe said 'No way !' to Nazi Germany, and 'the first military victories of the Soviet Union, US and Great Britain happened several years later’. Image
4) The only good thing about the film is that it assembles some interesting film clips and newsreel footage, but it unfortunately doesn’t identify any of it, thus failing to tell the viewer what is real news coverage and what is actors acting. Image
5) The historical narrative jumps back and forth constantly, with no structure. It reaches the 1914 Sarajevo assassination at 00:13:50; the Axis invasion of Yugoslavia at 00:15:10; skips to liberation in 1945 without mentioning Ustashas or Partisans; discusses the…
6)… Non-Aligned Movement at 00:16:22; reaches the 1990s crisis at 00:25:50; back to medieval Bogumils (treated as historical fact) at 00:30:53; anti-Serb pogroms in 1914 at 00:51:25; Ustashas at 00:58:55; Srebrenica massacre at 01:13:15; Habsburg Military Border at 01:15:45 etc.
7) Blatant historical falsification includes claiming that the 'Kozara memorial was erected in memory of more than 30,000 civilian victims in this part of Republika Srpska' (00:04:10). It was built in 1972, two decades before Republika Srpska existed. Image
8) The film celebrates Partisan Mladen Stojanovic (01:03:00), without mentioning that he fought for a unified, self-governing Bosnia as joint homeland of Serbs, Croats + Muslims, or that he was killed by Serb-nationalist Chetniks. Calls his death 'a tremendous blow to the Serbs’. Image
9) The film begins its treatment of the 1990s crisis with Slovenia and Croatia declaring independence in June 1991, which it conflates with the 14th congress of the Yugoslav Communists in January 1990 (00:25.50) - with no prior mention of anything Milosevic or Serbia did. Image
10) It then begins the conflict in Bosnia with the Bosnian parliament's 1991 declaration of sovereignty (00:35:20), condemning the failure to respect a Bosnian Serb veto. It doesn't mention Serbia's own declaration of sovereignty in 1990, or its attack on Croatia. Image
11) The film dates the war's start to the March 1992 Serb wedding shooting (00:43:57) 'one shot articulated all the political violence that the Muslim and Croatian side had been committing' - ironically it earlier disputed the idea that Gavrilo P's one shot could have started WWI Image
12) The film doesn't mention the earlier, vastly larger Yugoslav army (JNA) massacre of BiH Croat civilians at Ravno in October 1991, or any of the Serb massacres of Bosniaks and Croats across BiH in spring-summer 1992, or any Serb war-crime except the 1995 Srebrenica massacre.
13) The film claims Karadzic’s Serbs didn’t begin forming an army until May 1992, after the JNA supposedly withdrew and left them (00:56:28). In reality, Belgrade began creating a separate BiH Serb army in Dec. 1991 within the JNA, delivering it to them fully formed in May 1992. Image
14) The film refers to 'the return of Nazism in these areas [in the 1990s], as seen in Vox magazine’ (01:06:20), which featured a purported Muslim SS soldier on its cover. In fact, Vox was a satirical magazine and the picture was a humorous parody. Image
15) The film defends Radovan Karadzic from the charge of genocidal intent (01:07:30), without telling the viewer he was convicted of genocide by the ICTY. It presents Izetbegovic's presence at the Serb Democratic Party's founding congress 'as an honoured guest', as proof of its… Image
16)...inclusiveness toward Muslims, though the same logic would suggest Izetbegovic's attendance indicated his own inclusiveness toward Serbs, demolishing the film’s entire narrative. The film quotes Karadzic uncritically saying he was just against Muslim 'domination of Serbs'. Image
17) The film writes the siege of Sarajevo out of history, claiming 'most of the higher positions around the city were controlled by the Muslim army' (01:12:20) and 'grenades were thrown from Muslim controlled territories as well as Serb controlled territories’. Image
18) The film refers vaguely to 'numerous war-crimes committed by all sides' (01:12:39), ignoring that over 83% of civilian victims of the war were Bosniaks. It says nothing about the Serb attacks on Muslims in towns across East Bosnia: Bijeljina, Zvornik, Foca, Visegrad etc. Image
19) It thereby constructs a false narrative of violence in the region started by the Muslim side, and the Serbs attacking Srebrenica because they were 'determined to stop this threat' (01:13:15). The Srebrenica genocide is therefore repackaged as supposed Serb self-defence. Image
20) The film attributes the massacre at Srebrenica to ‘chaos’ rather than genocidal intent (01:13:42). It admits it is 'considered the largest single act of mass killing in the Yugoslav wars and the worst in Europe since WW2’. But note the ambiguity of the word ‘considered’. Image
21) The film doesn’t admit either the figure of 8,000+ Srebrenica victims or the fact of genocide. It says ‘the verdict of this court [ICTY] that what happened in Srebrenica constituted genocide remains an open topic in some circles to this day’ (01:15:09). Image

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More from @markoah

Oct 3, 2024
Prominent anti-Zionist Israeli historian Ilan Pappe, in his book about the 1940s Nakba, 'The Ethnic Cleansing of Palestine', draws repeated parallels with Serb ethnic cleansing of Albanians and Bosniaks in the 1990s to provide a conceptual framework for his thesis. My thoughts 🧵 Image
2) Imho, comparing Israel with a Balkan state works. The trajectory followed by the Zionists resembles that of the ethnonationalists of originally stateless Balkan peoples (Serbs, Greeks, Bulgarians): carving out a nation state in an ethnically mixed territory which inevitably…
3)…involves ethnic cleansing and difficulty finalising borders. All these Balkan nations, as well as others (Croats, Romanians, Turks) that had some form of pre-modern statehood but also an ultimately ethnic conception of nationhood, have produced cases of 'ethnic cleansing'.
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Sep 24, 2023
Some people, usually HDZ BiH supporters, have suggested the 'Belgian model' as a possibility for Bosnia. In fact, the Belgian constitution recognises a single Belgian 'Nation' from which all power emanates. Belgium has no 'constituent nations', only ‘communities’.
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Belgium has a single king as head of state - not a presidency rotating between its communities. It has a federal parliament whose members of both chambers (House of Representatives + Senate) represent the entire Belgian Nation, not just those who elected them.
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Belgium is not a v. functional state and its constitution involves some parliamentary representation on ethnolinguistic basis. But Belgian model would require Serb/Croat nationalists to recognise a sovereign Bosnian Nation with a single head of state. An improvement on Dayton.
Read 4 tweets
Aug 12, 2023
'The reason that this country – along with almost every other Western nation – is facing an unmanageable influx of illegal migrants is because our way of life is the one that most people with a degree of self-respect and ambition would choose.' telegraph.co.uk/news/2023/08/1…
'The combination of democratic government and free market economics which constitutes political life in western Europe and the Anglosphere happens to be, it turns out, what most of the world’s population regards as very heaven.'
'Not just to escape from war or genocide... Not even necessarily from poverty, since many of those illegal migrants have paid a great deal of money for their passage. They flee from totalitarian or corrupt regimes which make progress and individual self-determination impossible.'
Read 4 tweets
Aug 9, 2023
Croatia in the 1990s was prey to two conflicting impulses: to resist Belgrade to establish a genuinely independent state, or to collaborate with it to partition Bosnia, with Croatia becoming Serbia's junior partner - a corrupted residue of Serbian-Croatian partnership in Yug 🧵
2) The Croat dilemma in the 1990s resembled the Serb dilemma in the 1940s, when Serbs were divided between resisters (Partisans) and collaborators (Chetniks). Great Serbia was the Serb collaborators’ goal in the 1940s, as Great Croatia was Croat collaborators' goal in the 1990s.
3) Tudjman headed the collaborationist Croat current; he was Croatia’s Draza Mihailovic. Martin Spegelj, who founded the Croatian army and represented the pro-resistance current, reports how Tudjman obstructed and sabotaged Croatian military resistance to the JNA in 1990-1991.
Read 8 tweets
Oct 15, 2022
Bosnia and Western Islamophobia 🧵. Some Bosniaks and others are attributing Western policy toward BiH, which favours anti-BiH Serb/Croat nationalists, to inherent Western Islamophobia. This is understandable, but empirically wrong and dangerous in its implications (1).
2) Post-Enlightenment policy of US/European powers was never driven by Islamophobia. UK and France defended the Ottomans vs Russia, 1854-56. Germany and Austria-Hungary supported Ottomans and their jihad in WWI. Cold War West allied to Saudis etc; armed Afghan Muslims vs USSR.
3) In the 1990s, the Western powers failed to defend Catholic Croatia in 1991 but went to war to defend Muslim Kosovars in 1999. Western appeasement of Milosevic was rooted in conservative realism (siding with established regional strongman) and the 'line of least resistance’.
Read 8 tweets
Sep 15, 2020
The establishment of Balkan academic specialists in the West played a role in the 1990s wars that was every bit as inglorious as the role of the Western political establishment. This shameful legacy has cast a shadow over former-Yugoslavia studies in the West ever since [thread]
2) An institution such as the School of Slavonic and East European Studies (SSEES) should have been a bastion of opposition to the genocide and to the West's collusion in it, but barring one or two honourable exceptions, the silence coming from its staff was deafening.
3) Former Yugoslavia academic experts from the Titoist and pro-Chetnik wings closed ranks vs Albanian, Croat and Slovene 'separatism' and Western military intervention. See Carole Hodge’s classic text ‘The Serb lobby in the UK’ balkanwitness.glypx.com/Hodge-SerbLobb…
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