Matteo de Bellis Profile picture
Oct 11 20 tweets 4 min read Twitter logo Read on Twitter
It was an interesting afternoon, at the General Court of the EU, as the court held a hearing on the @seawatch_intl v. @Frontex case.
Here are a few takeaways.
1/
On 30 July 2021, at least 20 people were intercepted by Libyan coastguards in the central Med, in Malta's SAR region, then taken to Libya & exposed to detention & torture.
According to investigations by @hrw & @BorderForensic, @Frontex played a role.
2/
hrw.org/news/2022/12/1…
Did a @Frontex aircraft spot the boat and communicate its position to Libya? Or did they share that information with Malta, and the latter then coordinated a 'pushback by proxy'? And why didn't Frontex alert the @seawatch_intl rescue boat that was nearby?
3/
These are legitimate questions, deserving an answer. And an answer would be available, in 73 documents held by Frontex.
The problem is, Frontex refuses to make their content public - not even after removing sensitive details.
4/
That's why @seawatch_intl, which that day was at sea and not allowed to help, partnered with @fragdenstaat to take Frontex to court. And this afternoon, the only hearing in the whole case took place.
5/
The hearing started with the lawyer for Sea-Watch presenting the case, explaining why the court should question the justifications given by Frontex in refusing any disclosure. The law says that comprehensive info on past and current operations must be public.
6/
The lawyer representing Frontex responded by suggesting that Sea-Watch is attempting to get a "3-D scan" of Frontex operations at sea and that disclosing such information would endanger public security.
7/
Although Sea-Watch had only asked for documents regarding a specific incident on a specific day, the lawyer accused the NGO of requesting "a myriad" of documents.
8/
And although the information relates to a case that happened over two years ago by now, he went as far as saying that releasing relevant information would result in "a day of jubilation for all criminals in the Mediterranean".
I was a bit shocked, I must say.
9/
I suspect many might fall for such a hyperbole. Not in a court of law, however, where people know that sensitive details (e.g. references to the identity of officers or special equipment used to investigate crimes) can be easily redacted before disclosing documents.
10/
In fact, when the three judges started asking questions, the fact that Frontex cannot use "public security" as a jolly to avoid the disclosure of just all and any document was clearly raised.
11/
The Frontex lawyer kept mixing half-explained legal arguments with subtle messages, building frames where "NGOs and migrants" were always accurately placed next to "smugglers and criminals". Not in one moment referred to people who died at sea or were rescued by Sea-Watch.
12/
Yet, again judges could see through the smoke and mirrors, and when they asked tough questions (e.g. pointing at a specific sighting report and asking why it could not be published, after removing a couple of sensitive details), the lawyer had no real answer to offer.
13/
Judges also questioned the applicants on locus standi and why there are two applicants rather than one - a technicality that hopefully will not distract from the key subject at stake.
14/
And that is: can we accept that Frontex unilaterally decides whether to disclose documents that might implicate it in human rights violations, using vague justifications that are not even specifically linked to the content of each document?
15/
This might look like a technical and dry area of the law, but it is crucial.
Change flourishes on top of accountability, and accountability desperately needs transparency.
16/
Importantly, the court obtained the 73 documents from Frontex - although they remain secret for now - so it can see for itself whether Frontex is actually safeguarding sensitive data or covering its tracks.
17/
Curiously, Frontex did not think of including an index indicating the reason why each document cannot be disclosed. So, today the court ordered Frontex to provide such list within 2 weeks.
18/
Then, for the judgement it will probably take a few months. It will be something to wait for.
Meanwhile, Frontex aircrafts will keep flying over the central Med.
And we will keep reminding Frontex, the EU & Member States, what they should do instead.
End/
amnesty.org/en/documents/e…
Bonus track of sure relevance: see the recommendation on aerial surveillance issued by the Frontex Consultative Forum on Fundamental Rights (inside its latest annual report), which questions the lawfulness of Frontex's approach in the central Med.
frontex.europa.eu/media-centre/n…

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More from @matteodebellis

Jul 15, 2021
Stamattina @amnesty ha pubblicato un rapporto sulla situazione delle persone catturate in mare dai guardacoste libici - supportati da Italia e UE - e riportati nei centri di detenzione in Libia.
Tema già noto, ma ci sono novità agghiaccianti.
THREAD 1/11 amnesty.org/en/latest/news…
Il rapporto pone molta attenzione su 2 centri di detenzione a Tripoli, Al-Mabani e Shara’ al-Zawiya. Erano centri informali, poi integrati tra quelli ufficiali. Il 1* ha ricevuto 7mila persone sbarcate quest'anno. Il 2*, "dedicato a persone vulnerabili", 250 donne e bambini. 2/
E' dalle donne detenute a Shara al-Zawiya che abbiamo raccolto alcune tra le denunce piú orripilanti. Le guardie stuprano donne e le ricattano, chiedendo prestazioni sessuali in cambio di cibo o libertà. Tra maggio e giugno, due donne somale hanno tentato il suicidio 3/
Read 12 tweets
Oct 30, 2019
Ma quali saranno queste fantomatiche modifiche al memorandum Italia-Libia che il governo di @GiuseppeConteIT intende proporre?
Se sono quelle di cui si parla sui giornali, si tratta di misure già adottate senza successo – dunque di fumo negli occhi.
Sotto spiego perchè.
THREAD/
1) Migliorare le condizioni nei centri di detenzione?
Il governo sembra ignorare che i centri NON DOVREBBERO ESISTERE, perchè le persone sono tutte detenute illegalmente. A una donna appena torturata i lavabi nuovi servono a poco, semmai servono all’Italia a lavarsene la mani.
2) Aumentare presenza di ONU e org umanitarie in punti di sbarco e centri di detenzione?
Ci sono già, per quanto in maniera limitata da ragioni di sicurezza e dall’umore della milizia locale. Ma la presenza non serve quasi a nulla, se non si ha il potere di fermare gli abusi.
Read 9 tweets
Oct 20, 2019
Leggo dichiarazioni di #Minniti @GiuseppeConteIT e @carlosibilia in merito all'opportunità di estendere il Memorandum Italia-Libia per altri 3 anni.
Mi permetto qualche umile considerazione.
THREAD 1/
Innanzitutto, bene che la scadenza del 2 Novembre - che avevamo ricordato "da queste colonne" - sia diventata tema di dibattito, e che l'establishment senta di dover difendere le proprie posizioni. Significa che ad essere a disagio non siamo in pochi. 2/
Bene anche che #Minniti chieda di liberare le persone dai centri libici, di rimettere in mare le navi di Sophia, di rimuovere i decreti Salvini e di lavorare sullo Ius Soli. Tutte ottime cose. Ma ci fermiamo qui, perche' il nocciolo del discorso di Minniti e' fuori pista. 3/
Read 18 tweets
Mar 1, 2019
THREAD/ During the past two weeks I interviewed people who had fled Libya and crossed the border into Tunisia, and then I flew to Berlin for meetings with senior officials and MPs. Here my take on the current situation in Libya and the central Med. 1/14
People we met in Tunisia confirmed dramatic situation in detention centres in Libya. The story of a new-born baby girl returned by Libyan Coast Guard to Libya, who spent her life in a det centre & died there when 8-months old, will be a thorn in my heart for a long time. 2/14
Detention centres are holding almost only people intercepted at sea by EU-backed Libyan Coast Guard. If EU states want to stop being complicit in beatings & rapes of women, men & children, then must require Libya to close detention centres. channel4.com/news/torture-a… 3/14
Read 14 tweets

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