We learned yesterday that Allen Weisselberg's severance agreement will ultimately pay him $2 million by 12/31/24 if he fully complies. What I didn't appreciate is what he promised in return: 1/
To some extent, it's not atypical to require an employee to promise not to assist with others' claims. The problem here is context--and timing. 2/
Let's start with the fact that while Weisselberg left the company at the end of 2022 and the agreement contemplated his completing his work in good faith before that date, it wasn't executed by him until the literal eve of his Jan. 10, 2023 sentencing. 3/
And it wasn't signed by Alan Garten, the Trump organization's chief legal officer, until Jan. 12, two days after Weisselberg entered Rikers. 4/
What's more, according to the payment schedule appended to the agreement, the Trump Org. did not start paying him until Mar. 31, 2023, well into his prison sentence and certainly *after* reports that the Manhattan DA was still investigating Weisselberg for insurance fraud. 5/
Now let's go back to *his* severance obligations. They include cooperating in an investigation or litigation against the company or Trumps by meeting with them in connection with "discovery or pretrial issues" and providing "truthful testimony on behalf of Releasees." 6/
That means he was likely obligated to meet with them before his trial testimony. 7/
The severance agreement also entitles Weisselberg to be indemnified for any reasonable attorney's fees in any legal matter against him or the company--but there's some big catches. 8/
He can't hire a lawyer without the company's prior approval, and "to the extent there is no direct conflict of interest and at the election of the Company, [Weisselberg] shall be jointly represented by counsel for the Company." 9/
Put another way, if he wants his own fees paid, they get to decide who represents him and even force their own lawyers on him. 10/
But, of course, all of this pales in comparison to Weisselberg's commitment that except where forced by subpoena or other court-ordered process, he won't give information to anyone else with claims against the company and/or anyone he individually released (e.g., Trump)...11/
or "take any action to induce, encourage, instigate, aid, abet or otherwise cause" any person or entity "to bring or file a complaint, charge, lawsuit or other proceeding of any kind against the Company or any person or entity released by this Agreement." 12/
Read broadly, the agreement precludes Weisselberg from voluntarily cooperating with any law enforcement or prosecutorial agency in exchange for lenience as to other crimes for which he could be under investigation and/or ultimately charged. 13/
And yes, that might be the definition of unenforceable as a matter of public policy. But if you're Weisselberg, what incentive do you have to test that proposition when you have $2 million in severance, payable even if you die, riding on it? None. FIN.
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NEW: Today’s court order requiring Rudy Giuliani to place most of his possessions, cash, and even his NYC apartment in receivership for the two GA election workers to whom he owes $148 million reminds us what the Big Lie has cost its most avid mouthpieces. 1/
But while Rudy isn’t even allowed to keep his TV, a signed Reggie Jackson photo, or his grandfather’s watch, Trump remains locked in an airtight battle for a second presidential term, during which, if he wins, his legal problems will either disappear or at least recede. 2/
When Trump talks about the 1/6 defendants, he loves to compare their plights with those of those arrested during the summer of 2020 after George Floyd’s death. The conduct at issue is dissimilar—and distracts from the real issue. 3/
For McBurney, the timing was crucial. He acknowledges that a hand count of ballots could be “consistent with the
SEB’s mission of ensuring fair, legal, and orderly elections.” But when the rule is scheduled to be implemented a mere fortnight before the election? 2/
That’s a recipe for chaos, McBurney holds, especially where, as here, the “eleventh and one half hour” implementation put county election boards in the position of having to put the rule into practice without guidelines or training from the GA Secretary of State. 3/
NEW: I am watching a live hearing about the lawfulness of yet another Georgia Elections Board rule, this one requiring hand counts of ballots prior to certification. And Judge Robert McBurney wants to know why, given a “robust record of chaos” caused thus far, he shouldn’t just enjoin it. 1/
Because Fulton County Superior Court proceedings are live-streamed, come watch with me here: .youtube.com/live/-z0N1dHym…
So far, McBurney is approaching this in what seems like a measured way: He acknowledges that the rule does not require the counting of votes, but solely the hand counting of ballots to ensure the number of ballots cast, as tabulated electronically, matches a hand count. 3/
NEW: While Hurricane Milton approaches, voting rights groups in GA and FL are in two separate federal courts this afternoon fighting for emergency extensions of Monday's voter registration deadline for those impacted by Hurricane Helene and/or preparing for Milton. Stay tuned.
An update: The judge in Florida, Robert Hinkle, just denied the effort to extend the deadline there. More to come.
All that's been docketed is this one-page denial without any explanation:
Look beyond the result of today’s GA abortion decision, and you can see Fulton County Superior Court Judge Robert McBurney stake out a broader, methodological position, especially in the footnotes. 1/
McBurney makes plain what many are afraid to say: that “the meaning of the Constitution is no more fixed than is the composition of the majority in the highest courts of the land — especially when formerly bedrock principles such as stare decisis appear to be on the wane.” 2/
He then explains “the interpretive challenge for the courts is in understanding what is encompassed in the concept of liberty” in GA’s constitution. And that is a problematic exercise, he insists, if one relies on textualism or originalism. 3/
NEW: Judge Tanya Chutkan has now granted the Special Counsel's request to file a 180-page brief defending its superseding indictment as compliant with the Supreme Court's immunity ruling. But don't get your reading corner ready just yet. 1/
Since last year, the federal election interference case has been governed by a protective order that dictates how sensitive discovery materials must be used. And under that order, virtually any material that was not already public or obtained by the defense on its own, not through discovery, is covered. 2/
That order makes plain how filings with sensitive material must be handled in any public filing: Either all sensitive information is redacted, and the parties agree as to those redactions, or . . . .3/