Why are there even places called “refugee camps” in Gaza? And why are two thirds of the people living in Gaza, who were born there and lived there their entire lives, called “refugees” from a war that ended more than seven decades ago? The answers to these question unlock the core of the conflict. Here they are (Part 1; Part 2 in the first comment):
1.The 20th century has been marked by a transition from empires to states. We begin the 20th century when much of the world is divided between empires. We end it when much of the world is divided between states. When lucky, those states were based on the self determination of a people who share a common history, language, ethnicity, background religion and connection to a territory. (Zionism emerged in this context based on the idea of self determination for the Jewish people in the only territory to which they were ever connected as a people). When unlucky those new states were artificially created by receding empires drawing boundaries, forcing different peoples to share one state, leading almost always to civil war, dictatorship, or both. This transition has been bloody. It involved two world wars and numerous regional and civil wars. In the bloody process of empires receding and new states emerging to replace them, tens of millions of people were displaced, fleeing across newly created borders, typically to new countries with an ethnic makeup similar to their own. This was true of Hindus and Muslim, Ukrainians, Poles and Germans, Bulgarians, Greeks and Turks and Arabs and Jews. This was not unique.
2.What was unique is that one group only of refugees from that time and those wars were allowed to maintain themselves as endless refugees in anticipation of one day winning a war they had lost. Those were the Arab refugees from the war of 1948, later to be known as Palestinians. All other refugee groups, except the Palestinians, were presented with a clear message: “it’s tough, it’s tragic, move on”. There was a clear understanding that in the most fundamental sense there is no going back - not in place and not in time (thus, there was no such thing as “a right of return”). To seek to go back would mean endless war. And so the message was forward looking and future facing. Tens of millions of refugees and displaced persons, among them millions of Jews, would build new lives in the new countries to which they fled.
3.Except Palestinians. The war that the Arabs of the land and the surrounding countries waged to prevent a Jewish state from emerging and gaining independence failed to achieve its goals. Despite the violent onslaught of 1947-49, Israel emerged as a sovereign state. But the Arabs of the land, sustained by broader Arab support, refused to accept this outcome. They proceeded to undo it through a variety of means, including repeated wars, economic boycotts, international condemnations and a complete refusal of the refugees themselves to be settled, as it would effectively mean accepting that the war was over.
that end of keeping the war of 1948 alive until its goal of undoing the Jewish state could be achieved, a temporary agency established to resettle the refugees - UNRWA (initially called REWA, but the Arabs insisted on the letters UN so that it would appear to enjoy international legitimacy) - was hijacked by the Arab refugees. As a result of this hijacking UNRWA effectively became a Palestinian entity devoted singularly to sustaining and stoking the idea that uniquely among the world’s refugees, Palestinians don’t need to move on and can keep insisting on “return”, both in space and in time, to a time when there was no Israel. UNRWA thus became the mechanism by which the Jewish people alone were denied the right to to consider their hard won self-determination and sovereign statehood as a done deal.
of the most important means by which UNRWA fulfilled its mission is inflating the number of Palestinians it registers as refugees. It does so by engaging in several unique practices, not applied to any other refugee population in the world: (1) Counting descendants of the original refugees displaced by the War of 1948 in perpetuity (by now into the fifth generation) automatically and with no qualifications; (2) Never removing any “refugees” from the count even if they acquired citizenship of another country, a status that for all other true refugees ends their refugee status; (3) Counting Palestinians who continue to live in the West Bank and Gaza, so in “Palestine” as refugees “from” Palestine. Once UNRWA’s inflationary practices are removed, almost none of the Palestinians who claim to be “refugees”, either as registered by UNRWA (around 5.7 Million) or self-claimed by Palestinians living in the West (a total of 8-9 Million) are actually refugees by any international standard. The vast majority of them are either (1) living in the West Bank and Gaza, and so clearly are not refugees “from” Palestine, still very much living there, and since almost all of them are by now second to fifth generation claimants they have also never been displaced by war - 2.2 Million; (2) Citizens of countries such as Jordan - 2.2 Million or various countries around the world - 2-3 Million. Citizens of countries are not refugees by any international standard. This leaves about 250,000 Palestinians who remain stateless in Syria and Lebanon, despite having been born there and never having been displaced by war. Those countries refuse to give them citizenship. They are certainly no longer refugees, but they are stateless. Of them, perhaps 30,000 are indeed refugees by international standards in that they were displaced by war, crossed the border and have not been given citizenship by any other country. Them, and only them, should be recognized as refugees. That is less than 1% of the total number of Palestinians who claim to be “refugees”.
addition to its inflationary practices, the UNRWA compounds (“Refugee Camps”) and schools are the incubators in which the Palestinian national ethos of “revenge and return” was created and shaped. It is the ground zero Palestinian political organization in that it daily reinforces the Palestinian ethos that the Jews have no right to a state in any of the territory between the Jordan River and the Sea, and that Palestinians will one day undo Israel by means of “return”. Since the days of the 1972 Munich Olympics massacre, planned and perpetrated by UNRWA graduates, to the October 7th massacre by Hamas, also planned and perpetrated by UNRWA graduates (Muhammad Deif was raised in an UNRWA compound and studied in its school), UNRWA has sustained, nourished, educated and raised generation after generation of Palestinians dedicated to undoing Israel by “all means”, primarily violence and terror. Hamas, like Fatah before it, merely recruits UNRWA graduates ready to commit any atrocity in the name of “revenge and return”. It’s no coincidence that the two places where the perpetual refugee culture is strongest - Gaza and Lebanon - are also the most violent.
In short, why are there still millions of people claiming to be refugees from a war that ended more than seven decades ago? Because to the Palestinians, that war has never ended, and they continue to believe that one day, with enough patience and violence, they could still win it to achieve their original goal: no state for the Jewish people anywhere from “The River to the Sea”.
(The full history is of-course available in “The War of Return: How Western Indulgence of the Palestinian Dream has Obstructed the Path to Peace”).5.One 6.In
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Israel is on a long-term (albeit messy) trajectory to set its final borders, which it did not have at birth, when Arab states accepted them only as "cease fire" lines. Israel's southern border was finalised in 2 phases: Peace with Egypt (1979) and Disengagement from Gaza (2005).
The northern border was effectively finalised in two phases as well: Retreat from Lebanon in 2000 to the official line and US recognition in 2019 of the 1981 Israeli annexation of the Golan heights. Most of the eastern border was finalised in the 1994 peace agreement with Jordan.
Israel's eastern border in the West Bank is the final frontier. Should Israel annex the Jordan Valley and some settlement blocks, leaving the rest for a future Palestinian State, with US support and muted Arab opposition, it would effectively end the debate on its eastern border.
הקורונה היא איום מאד רציני. מי שאומר לכם "סתם שפעת עונתית קשה" מנותק מהמציאות (אלא אם הוא מתכוון לשפעת של 1918). כל המומחים לאפידמיולוגיה בקונצנזוס מלא על חומרת המגפה. אם אנחנו לא כולנו מתגייסים לעצור את זה, תוך זמן קצר נגיע להמוני חולים קשים שיציפו את בתי החולים, ומתים רבים:
על-פי הערכות הידועות כרגע, כשהאוכלוסייה מתנהגת רגיל כל אדם נגוע מדביק בממוצע שניים וחצי אנשים אחרים עד שהוא מחלים (מקדם הדבקה 2.5). אם נחיל את האמצעים שהופעלו בסין כמה שיותר מוקדם, נוכל להאט את ההפצה ולהגביל מאד את מספר הנפגעים. ובעיקר לקנות לנו זמן עד לפריצות דרך תרופתיות:
על-פי הניסיון מסין וניסיון ארוך שנים עם זנים אחרים של קורונה, אלה הצעדים שיכולים משמעותית להוריד את מקדם ההדבקה: 1. להימנע ממגע ישיר עם אנשים: צריך להתחיל להתרגל לפגוש מכרים בלי לחיצת יד, חיבוק או נשיקה. זה לא פשוט ולפעמים מביך אבל צריך להתרגל ולעודד אנשים לא להתבייש לסרב למגע.
A thread on Jews, Arabs, Israelis, the Jewish People, and the Israeli people: In the state of Israel there are two main national/linguistic/ethnic groups or peoples: the Jewish people and the Arab/Palestinian people. They are all citizens of the state of Israel.
The Jews of Israel generally view themselves part of the greater Jewish people around the world and have a sense of collective belonging and solidarity. The Arabs/Palestinians of Israel generally view themselves as belonging to a greater Palestinian and Arab collective.
While all Jews and Arabs would readily admit they are citizens of Israel, almost none of them would claim to belong to the same one people as in "The Israeli People". A people, to use Yuval Noah Harari's formulation, share an "inter-subjective reality". They share a common story.
Four empirical proofs settlements are not the reason we do not have peace: 1) Prior to 1967 Jordan and Egypt controlled the West Bank and Gaza, there were no settlements, and yet the Arab world still rejected Israel while Palestinians demanded to violently “liberate Palestine”;
(2) Two Prime Ministers, Ehud Barak (2000) and Ehud Olmert (2008) put forth peace proposals that would have created a sovereign Arab Palestine in effectively all of West Bank and Gaza (with land swaps) with no settlements at all. Arafat and Abu-Mazen still walked away.
(3) Israel has repeatedly demonstrated its effective and ruthless ability to remove settlements for the cause of peace (Sinai) or much less (Gaza and North West Bank). Palestinians are yet to remove one “refugee” from UNRWA’s rosters, even those already living in Gaza and WB.
Honored to have spoken on behalf of @UNWatch in Geneva. Here is the text of my 90 second speech on UNRWA: ״In the 20th century, as empires collapsed and new states and borders were established, tens of millions of people fled or were expelled in the course of war...
Muslims and Hindus, Greeks and Turks, Poles, Ukrainians, Germans and Jews moved on to build new lives, some aided by the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees. @Refugees. None of them, nor their hundreds of millions of descendants, claim to be refugees today...
Except the Palestinians. Why? Because the Palestinians, supported by the Arab world, violently rejected the two-state solution already in 1948, and were determined, despite losing, to continue the war to prevent the Jewish people from having a state...