Harry Litman Profile picture
Nov 18 3 tweets 1 min read Twitter logo Read on Twitter
The Colorado opinion is a landmark, even though Judge Wallace holds Trump is not an officer under 14thAm§3. The bigger point is the finding based on evidence and expert opinion that Trump 1) engaged (in his speech, which she finds passes Brandenburg)
2) in an insurrection, which she defines as "a public use of force or threat of force by a group of people to hinder or prevent the execution of law." This is a giant step forward in the position of Luttig/Tribe that §3 is self-executing.
Plaintiffs will appeal so this is on its way up the ladder, and the plaintiffs arguably can rely on deference to factual findings, though critical questions I think will be definition of insurrection and qualifications of a court to decide the issue

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More from @harrylitman

Oct 6
A few more points about the Trump motion for immunity file today.

1. In contrast to the standard slapdash quality, and the obvious appeal to the political followers, the brief is relatively polished and larded up with fancy authorities, eg 4 federalist papers, and a
Scalia book. There are four pages of authorities. Its intended audience is conservative judges.

2. We are analyzing it in terms of the odds of 5 justices or 2 members of a panel’s granting a stay to stop the trial while the appeal proceeds. But that’s not the only possible
scenario. In some ways even worse would be if the trial proceeds, and then a higher court reverses a Trump conviction b/c, e.g., inadequate jury instructions in light of a principle they are recognizing.
Read 6 tweets
Sep 29
I thought it would be useful to lay out the basic scheme from Coffee County, which is a more or less freestanding episode in indictment, w/r/t which Hall pleaded today.
1. Coffee County is 200 miles south of Atlanta, a rural Republican stronghold that went 70% for Trump in 2020.
2. After the election, Sidney Powell paid an Atlanta company named SullivanStrickler c 26k to go to Fulton County to break into computers there and get voter data, which they hoped would show undercounting of Trump votes.
3. Hall was a bail bondsman based in Atlanta who did a lot to try to help Trump (eg has a long call w/ Clark on 1/2/21), but for Coffee County purposes he supposedly knew a thing of two about hacking and traveled down to Coffee County on 1/7/21 to help advise Sullivan Strickler.
Read 6 tweets
Sep 9
An interesting detail about Meadows: he moved to remand the day after the charges and he moved to appeal from the loss on the remand motion the same day. What's that about? Seems to me his excellent lawyers had sussed out the grouping on Ds issue and he's trying as hard as he
can to put distance b/t himself and Trump, who given his overall delay strategy can be expected to run out every clock. So if his appeals have run while Trump is say a few months behind, he hopes that will be a reason to go before and separate from Trump. He's probably going
to lose this gambit too. His case for remand is more complicated, whereas courts sh be able to make quick work of Trump's claim. And have to imagine that McAfee will be trying to hold the line at too many trials. On that score, I think we already may be looking at 3:
Read 4 tweets
Sep 9
A bit more tea-leaves reading from the list of non-indicted persons. As I said yesterday, the two bonafide members of the conspiracy as it's defined in the indictment whom special GJ wanted to indict but were not indicted are Mike Flynn and Cleta Mitchell.
Flynn was present at the 12/18/20 White House meetingand also pushed strongly outside that meeting for military to seize voting machines. As @lawofruby points out, that activity lacks the specific nexus to Georgia that the conduct of other Trump higher-ups had. That would be a
prudential reason anyway to not indict. But noticethat Flynn is almost certainly unindicted co-conspirator #20. (if it's not he, it's CEO Patrick Byrne, who had markedly less involvement.). So the GJ did conclude he's part of the overall conspiracy.overtock.com
Read 7 tweets
Sep 6
Chesebro's motion for immunity is downright bizarre. Note first off that he files in state court before Judge McAffee, which is totally kosher, and probably shows that he thinks McAffee (young Repub federalist) is a more sympathetic then federal Judge Jones (Obama appointee.)
But the argument is basically that the Electoral Count Act (which Trump is also always invoking, and which has more or less nothing to do w/ the crim case) provides for Congress to decide among "contingent" electors if States haven't acted. Therefore, federal law controls.
A few little problems:
1. there are no contingent electors here. just bogus self-appointed Trump electors
2. even if federal law would control -- which it doesn't--would not mean that all actors (and there is nothing Chesebro-specific in his motion--would apply to anyone)
Read 5 tweets
Sep 2
A thread to explain what's happening with the severance motions, and why Trump's motion -- on ground that not enough time to prepare on Chesebro's schedule--and Chesebro's motion -- acted totally separate from Powell--don't really fit with the law.
1. The default is against severance. Joint trials are more efficient and economical.
2. Prosecutors generally want to try defendants together, and if they point the finger at one another all the better. Defendants generally want to be separate and blame the empty chair.
3. Trial courts have a lot of discretion to sever or not, but have to consider 3 factors, which basically serve as the 3 paradigms for severing.
4. The classic & most frequent factor is if there is a statement admissible against one D but not another, but big risk jury will still
Read 9 tweets

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