Tom Bonier Profile picture
Dec 18 6 tweets 2 min read Twitter logo Read on Twitter
Regarding the polls showing Trump winning as much as 31% of the Black vote, one of the things @SimonWDC and I have been saying for over a year now is that we have to pay attention to more than just the polls. Here's an example of what we're talking about...
If there was truly such a radical realignment happening with Black voters, you would expect to see evidence, not just in polls. Yet, all of the other data sources show unwavering support for Dem candidates from Black voters.
First and foremost, let's look at election results (you know... the thing that people are trying to use polls to predict). In the 2023 elections, there was no evidence of Democrats losing support from Black voters.
Analysis by @SplitTicket_ estimated the Dem margin with Black voters in MS this year at 97%. Not consistent with a mass realignment towards Republicans. Image
But if election results aren't enough for you, look at voter registration data. This chart shows the percent of Black voters registering as Republicans over the past 7 years. Any evidence here of massive GOP gains? Image
I'm not saying the polls are necessarily "wrong". I am saying that they aren't plausibly predictive of next year's election results.

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More from @tbonier

Nov 22
There's been a lot of ink spilled lately about polls showing Trump winning over a significant (>20%) share of the Black vote. Here's a quick exploration of that idea, with a few thoughts of what might actually be happening.
I looked at the results from the elections in Virginia earlier this month, isolating the near-homogeneous Black precints. If Republicans are truly building a "multicultural working class coalition" one would expect to see it in those results. I didn't.
Looking at these precincts, Republican candidates were solidly in the single-digits range. Here are a couple of examples....
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Read 10 tweets
Nov 16
I was reminded of a stat I ran a while back, and decided to re-up it here with some context:

In Kansas, 84% of the voters in the August election on abortion rights came back out to vote in the November election.

But, remember the surge of women registering after Dobbs?
If we look just at the women under age 30 who registered after Dobbs and voted in the August abortion rights measure, only 33% came back out to vote in November.
To me, this stat highlights the challenge and opportunity heading into 2024. As I wrote in the NYT last weekend, I believe the salience of the issue as a campaign issue has only increased since then, and will be present in every race. nytimes.com/2023/11/10/opi…
Read 6 tweets
Nov 12
Sunday show producers/reporters/hosts:

I hope you will ask every GOP elected official on your show today if they support Donald Trump's call to "root out" the "vermin" in this country, and if so, what that looks like to them. And if not, what are they going to do to stop him.
Halfway through ABC's "This Week", they mention Trump's calls for retribution, with no mention of the "vermin" comments. No guests. Jon Karl promotes his book in the segment. Then, the next segment is back to Dem doom with Manchin's retirement.
48 mins into the show, somewhat ironically the issue is raised (sort of) for the first time in the pundit panel by Alyssa Farah Griffin. Not the vermin comment, but the Trump promises of retribution against his critics. Less than 30 secs later the panel concludes.
Read 8 tweets
Nov 11
Some asked if I could replicate the PA analysis from this thread for every state, so I did. I used modeled partisanship, and compared the Dem margin among regular voters ('20 and '22) with dropoff voters ('20 not '22).
As noted in the original thread yesterday, the theory is that Republicans have only fared less well since Dobbs because the elections have been low turnout, and that the voters staying home are more GOP, and will come out in '24. But the data doesn't agree.
This chart shows that the dropoff/surge voters who failed to come out in '22 are more Dem than the regular voters who came out in both in every single state but 2. And the margins are huge in some key states. IE, presidential year turnout still overwhelmingly benefits Dems. Image
Read 4 tweets
Nov 11
I'm about 10 pages in to Ruy Teixeira's new book "Where Have All The Democrats Gone" (I know, crazy Friday night) and I'm wondering if he tried looking for them in polling places, perhaps in 7 of the last 8 presidential elections where they won the popular vote?
He could look in the VA legislature, or the WI Supreme Court, or PA Supreme Court, or the KY governorship, there are a few more in NJ after Tuesday, the two Dem Senators in GA... I'm just spitballing ideas here, trying to be helpful.
I have to say, in the first few pages he points the finger at "Democratic support for abortion rights" as one of the reasons working class voters have left the Democratic Party and now I'm wondering if this is just performance art.
Read 9 tweets
Nov 7
Okay, okay - even though we will get one more day of early vote data in by tomorrow afternoon, I'll share my close to final observations of the early vote in some key states with elections tomorrow, starting with Virginia.
To spare you from having to suffer through several initial caveat-laden tweets at the outset of this thread, you can look at this one from last week that details them all.
First, what to expect on overall voter turnout. In '19 (the last non-gubernatorial state election in VA) total turnout was 72% of the '21 gubernatorial turnout. Right now EV is running at 68% of '21 EV at the same point.
Read 6 tweets

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