Azamat Junisbai 🇰🇿🇺🇦 Profile picture
Dec 21 7 tweets 2 min read Read on X
This piece offers a helpful, even if depressing, illustration of the worldview shared by many Russian opposition figures. It is a bleak picture. But looking away is dangerous. A realistic understanding of 🇷🇺 society, of which 🇷🇺 opposition is an integral part is essential.🧵 Image
The very first sentence in the article refers to Russia’s war in Ukraine as “Putin‘s invasion.” The categorical refusal to acknowledge that Russian society bears any responsibility for the horror perpetrated in Ukraine has become a signature of Navalny supporters.
They dedicate much of their energy to fighting the restrictions imposed on Russians in Europe. They complain bitterly about the decisions by Baltic countries to tighten entry rules for 🇷🇺 citizens and attack various banking restrictions that inconvenience Russians.
Predictably, they also complain about and fight against general sanctions imposed on Russia and Russian citizens. As their country carries out a genocidal war of aggression against Ukraine, these are the concerns they are demonstrably preoccupied with.
Conspicuous by its absence is any discussion of the problem of Russian imperial revanchism or the record high approval ratings enjoyed by Putin after the attack against a former colony. What is clearly present is the typical tone deafness of a Russian lecturing Ukrainians.
The author smugly instructs Ukrainians that it is time for them to add their voices to the causes that are dear to “the Russian opposition.” The absurd tenor of the article should provide a sobering reminder to those who harbor illusions about Putin’s opponents in Russia.
To be fair, Russian opposition members who admit that 🇷🇺 has an imperialism problem and that sanctions must be
strengthened exist. There are Russians who fundraise and even fight for 🇺🇦. But they are rare while those with views on display in this article are depressingly common.

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More from @azamatistan

Dec 16
Thirty seven years ago, in December of 1986, Kremlin appointed G. Kolbin as the new head of the “Kazakh SSR.” The appointment of a complete outsider with no prior connection to Qazaqstan perfectly exemplified the brash arrogance of Russia’s colonial rule in Central Asia.🧵
People took to the streets of Almaty to protest this decision. The scale of the protest was unprecedented in Soviet history. Moscow sent in troops from outside the Republic to crush the protesters. This 2016 article by @LadyPutz offers a useful summary. thediplomat.com/2016/12/1986-k…
I was only 10 years old then. My memory of the time is fragmented. I remember my uncle, 37 at the time, saying that he barely escaped with his life from the charging soldiers at the “New Square.” My uncle was the strongest and most physical person I knew. His words puzzled me.
Read 7 tweets
Dec 5
To halt the resurgence of Russian imperialism, Ukraine is paying with the lives of its sons and daughters. To halt the resurgence of Russian imperialism, the US is paying with a modest percentage of its overall defense budget, much of it going to American manufacturers. 1/4 Image
Fierce Ukrainian resistance dashed 🇷🇺 hopes of a quick triumph over its former colony. Nearly two years into its “three-day” operation, Moscow has been forced to declare mobilization AND scour prisons in search of new soldiers after suffering staggering losses. 2/4 Image
Ukrainian resistance is, in significant part, possible because the US supplied Ukraine with the weapons to defend against a much larger enemy. The price the US is currently paying to help Ukraine stop Russia’s deadly imperial revanchism is a bargain of historic proportions. 3/4 Image
Read 4 tweets
Nov 19
After Russia launched a full-scale invasion of Ukraine in February 2022, few expected that Ukraine could resist. Russian officers packed dress uniforms for a victory parade. Within hours of Russia’s attack, with 🇷🇺 army closing in on Kyiv, the US offered to evacuate Zelenskyy. 🧵 Image
I remember the feeling of dread. The full might of Russia’s enormous army bearing down on the smaller nation unwilling to submit to its former colonial master. As someone born and raised in another former Russian colony, I was horrified by Russia’s brazen imperial revanchism.
If anyone were to say that, 21 months after the invasion, Kyiv would be standing firm and that Ukrainian army would inflict such losses on the invaders that Kremlin would be forced to scour prisons in order to replenish its troops, it would seem completely fanciful. Image
Read 11 tweets
Oct 23
Russian propaganda extolling the Soviet Union and pushing anti-Ukrainian narratives is a major part of Moscow’s imperial revanchist project in societies that became independent after USSR’s collapse. Is it working? Results from an empirical investigation in Qazaqstan. A long 🧵. Image
The horror of Russia’s invasion of Ukraine has clearly catalyzed decolonial perspectives among Central Asian activists and academics. However, we know much less about the views of regular people. Has the propaganda worked on them?
What do Qazaqs think about 🇷🇺 invasion of 🇺🇦? How is the Soviet legacy perceived? Is USSR seen as a colonial power? Do responses vary by primary language (🇰🇿 vs 🇷🇺) and generation? I shared preliminary research findings at the CESS annual meeting in Pittsburgh this weekend.
Read 21 tweets
Sep 25
Russian insistence that Ukrainian is merely a quaint dialect of the “great & mighty Russian language” is part of 🇷🇺 imperial narrative. In case of Ukraine, it erases Ukrainians as separate people. In case of Qazaqstan, 🇷🇺 imperial narrative was different but equally brazen. 🧵
When I entered first grade in 1983, out of more than a hundred schools in Almaty - the capital of our “Soviet Socialist Republic,” only two schools used Qazaq as language of instruction. In my school, Qazaq class was offered twice a week and not taken seriously by anyone I knew. Image
There was also a basic message drilled into us: “Qazaq people didn’t have a written language before the USSR.” It was the Russian-led Soviet Union that Qazaqs had to thank for being able to write things down. To say that this message was everywhere is an understatement.
Read 10 tweets
Aug 9
Growing up my last name was Junisbaev. As was the case with most Qazaqs during Soviet rule, my actual family name - Junisbai - was given a 🇷🇺 makeover in the form of a 🇷🇺 ending (-ev). The brazen Russification of Qazaq family names is but one example of Russian colonial rule. 🧵
I had it changed to the proper spelling in my early 20s after Qazaqstan became independent. This change, albeit small, felt right. Yet, my own experience pales in comparison to what previous generations of my family had to contend with.
When my mother was growing up in Northern Qazaqstan, their Russian neighbors referred to her father as “Vladimir Mikhailovich” instead of his real name - Eventai Mergaliuly. Her own first name - Kulyash - was replaced with “Katya” while her brother - Saken - became “Serezha”.
Read 11 tweets

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