Genocide is a useful, frightening, and tricky word. Israelis have used it to define 7 October. Many others have described subsequent retaliations as such. Some experts concur, others disagree. It all depends on what one means by genocide. 🧵
As a legal term, its current usage is restrictive. Prosecuting a genocide requires, for instance, solid proof that orders were given specifically to eradicate a well-delineated group. That is why the massacre of some 8000 people in Srebrenica qualified.
In a legal framework, a genocide can only be determined in hindsight, once investigations have yielded such proof, possibly years after events happened. Relatively few formal determinations have been made and widely accepted internationally.
It is also important to note that this legal understanding, rooted in the 1948 Genocide Convention, doesn't apply retroactively. The Holocaust, therefore, could not be prosecuted as a genocide, although it did give rise to the legal denomination.
The word was coined in 1944, in relation to the Nazi genocide of the Polish people. Unlike its legal use today, the concept was relatively broad and forward-looking at the time. It aimed to call-out and deter any coordinated attempt to destroy a people.
The goal was to prevent, not just to prosecute. We thus had to recognize and name a certain kind of systematic violence for which we didn't yet have a word. This is why genocide is also used in looser ways, as a political and a historical term.
It is indeed, by nature, a very dynamic concept. It evolves with the times, the technologies, the context: the Holocaust, Rwanda, and Cambodia are striking for their differences at least as much as they are for what they have in common.
International and domestic politics naturally play a role in what is broadly accepted as a genocide. Our shifting understanding of history too: Imperialism and settler colonialism are increasingly associated with genocide of indigenous peoples.
Such characterizations may be controversial. But insisting on the strictest definitions completely misses the point: prevention, in a world of uncertainty. Insisting on the certainty of genocide means preventing none. That defeats the word's very purpose.
And this brings us to the Gaza war. If the goal is to identify intent and reduce risk, the best use of the word isn't the noun but the adjective: genocidal. That may describe the planned slaughter of whole families, children included, on 7 October, but not only.
For their part, prominent Israeli officials have made a string of genocidal statements: "human animals", "no civilians", "no innocents", "children of darkness", "wipe them off the surface of the earth", and so on. The list is rich, consistent, and ever growing.
Although carpet bombing may be understood otherwise, the unnecessary destruction of certain buildings is genocidal: Gaza's archives, its main library, its universities, its oldest mosque, even its beach resorts. These had social, not military value.
Israeli popular culture is also replete with genocidal themes: dehumanizing references to killing insects, mocking victims including dead babies, "blackface" TikTok contests, or singers and choirs explicitly and repeatedly calling for annihilation.
All this flagging is often ignored by external parties like Western governments or dominant media. It doesn't fit our counterterrorism narrative. It's written off as fringe. It's over the top, but explained away by post 7 October emotions.
If the topic is discussed at all, it is in relation to Palestinian slogans such as "from the river to the sea", which can mean any number of things, and is also used by Israelis. (This is also true of maps erasing the other, which parties at war use everywhere).
The danger inherent to this reaction is this: Expressing genocidal intent indeed doesn't mean much... until it blends in large-scale destruction, massive displacement, and elusive prospects of returns, reconstruction, and self-governance.
Regardless of the many other aspects of this war, the day after is one where this question will be posed: Was this a coordinated attempt to destroy Gazan society? Invoking Hamas' own atrocities and tactics will not make that question go away.
The only good answer starts now, which is why the concept of genocide is in fact so helpful. How this conflict goes down depends on its outcomes. Israel will go after every single person involved on 7 October. The nagging question concerns everyone else.
The prevalent Israeli narrative, today, is that everyone in Gaza was involved, that every form of retribution is legitimate, that total subjugation is the only way to guarantee "never again". That comes disturbingly close to the notion of genocide.
Of course, it's easy to reject such troublesome thinking and do nothing about it. The US will provide cover. The EU will cower. And for the West, it seems, the rest of the world doesn't count. That, again, is ever so sadly beside the point.
Both Israel and Palestine have a tragic history. Both have yet to figure out how to live with each other. Destruction just won't work. If you think about it, it never did, anywhere. The destroyed survive in part. They linger and they haunt.
That is why the outside world must care to tackle this taboo. Israel's future won't be secured by the obliteration of Palestinians, or vice versa. This war is all about obliteration, whatever you call it. Pretending that it isn't only invites the worst outcomes for everyone.

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More from @PeterHarling

Dec 20
A defining feature of the Gaza war is the volume of videos in which fighters film themselves committing war crimes.

This has important implications for the future. 🧵
Hamas equipped fighters with go-pros, although part of the atrocities they recorded could only fall into the hands of the enemy.

Since, Israeli soldiers have posted numerous videos of themselves looting, maltreating prisoners, and destroying civilian buildings they had secured.
This material invariably ends up becoming the opponent's most effective propaganda. It also opens avenues for legal pursuit, notably in the case of fighters who live abroad, such as Israeli dual-citizens.

Its prevalence is all the more mysterious.
Read 12 tweets
Dec 15
In my career, I have never seen such a gulf between Western countries and the Arab world. The alienation is more structural than our many past breakups, over Palestine, or Iraq, or Iran.

This estrangement has many facets. Counterintuitively, aid & development programs are one 🧵
Historically, Western states have sought to offset the effects of politics and business with humanitarian and social programs, to reduce suffering and conflict, show people to people solidarity, broaden ties beyond officials and corporations, promote shared values, and so on.
Such interventions always were ambiguous: insufficient, awkwardly patronizing or blatantly politicized. But they produced real benefits nonetheless: not just tents and food baskets in a crisis, but core infrastructure, meaningful scholarships, useful studies, and genuine bonds.
Read 10 tweets
Dec 14
Seen from the Middle East, Europe may appear like a continent drifting away: rejecting its Arab neighborhood, abandoning any belief in common human rights, and doing so out of reflexive racism.

That perception deserves nuancing. 🧵
First of all, not all European governments are embracing, aping or run by the far-right. Take Norway, Ireland, and Spain. Europe's supposed leaders, eg France or Germany, traditionally take them for granted.

Today is a good time to pay more attention to them.
Even where voters appear tempted by fascism-lite, that trend typically concerns only a third of society. In a democracy, a solid block of that size assumes outstanding weight, given fraying legacy parties.

But it is a mistake to ignore the other two thirds, however fragmented.
Read 9 tweets
Dec 5
Like many people across the Middle East, I've sadly been privy to other horrific conflicts. This one I find particularly difficult and disturbing in ways that go beyond the obvious. (By obvious, I mean the levels of violence, falsehoods, and double standards) 🧵
1. First is the focus on babies and children. They count among those slaughtered or taken hostage by Hamas. Israel turned incubators into propaganda, before leaving premature babies to die. And this war has birthed the haunting acronym WCNSF: wounded child no surviving family.
Wars often target the "womb" of the enemy, whether the actual body of women or, more figuratively, the areas and communities the enemy lives in. Rarely do they home in, so unabashedly, on babies and children: Usually, their innocence simply cannot be denied.
Read 11 tweets
Dec 1
In Europe and the US, many well-meaning officials simply don't get why Gaza is an outrage. For them, Hamas' attack was abominable; Israel is its usual self; Western support isn't new; and many wars and regimes do worse, yet don't stir such emotions.

So why the anger? 🧵
What they miss is that never before did the West abandon all pretence of supporting human rights and international humanitarian law. Indeed, Palestinians are de facto denied any rights whatsoever... when even the more obvious violations aren't called out.
In war, many forms of violence are ambiguous and thus hard to denounce. But many aren't, for example: mass displacement under occupation. Likewise, targeting hospitals implies very high standards for evidence. Proportionality by now is also self-evident, by anyone's count.
Read 8 tweets
Nov 21
In Gaza, as on many urgent questions, we are watching a cohort of Western leaders do things that don’t seem to serve any purpose, besides voicing their own shallow instincts.

They are not cynical or unconscionable as much as they are grotesque, which is harder to explain. 🧵
The US, for example, has adopted a radical line that could cost Biden many votes, while doing little to help Israel, absent achievable goals.

Meanwhile, Germany, the UK, or France, are bizarrely tearing at their social cohesion in ways that can only profit the far-right.
All this poses the question of a whole new cast of mainstream politicians who are highly educated, energetic, ambitious, arguably genuine even...

...and nonetheless shallow and impulsive, to the point where it becomes difficult to articulate what exactly they stand for.
Read 11 tweets

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