ADDITIONAL THOUGHTS ON TODAY’S DC CIRCUIT (CADC) ARGUMENTS ON PRESIDENTIAL IMMUNITY (PI) (LAYPERSON FRIENDLY).
Today, CADC heard oral arguments on whether DJT has PI for 1/6, in specific reference to Jack Smith’s prosecution in DC.
Trump almost certainly lost 3-0.
1/
The judges were Henderson (R-appointed), Childs (Biden), and Pan (Biden).
The major issues were as follows.
2/
(1) is there jurisdiction to decide PI before trial? (2) If (1)=yes, is there PI in criminal cases (it formally applies only in civil cases as of now)? (3) If (2)=yes, does it attach to all “official acts” that are “discretionary”? And how does DJT fare under that test?
3/
(4) Formally separate from PI, does the failure to convict DJT in the senate mean that he can’t be criminally prosecuted.
4/
On (1) only judge Childs seems genuinely concerned about the jurisdictional question. Basically, there’s a case called Midland Asphalt, and there’s a line that says that you can’t have a preliminary appeal of immunities not rooted “explicitly” in the constitution or statute.
5/
PI isn’t explicit. Both Henderson and Pan sounded very comfortable with the idea that Midland Asphalt’s single use of the word “explicit” did not preclude the panel from reaching the merits.
6/
On (2), only Henderson seemed to very clearly believe that PI exists as to criminal prosecutions, although there were times when Childs sounded like she may believe that as well.
7/
Pan seemed to believe that DJT’s argument on this question was undone by the concession that a former POTUS could be prosecuted after an impeachment + Senate conviction.
8/
On (3), it seemed very clear that, if all three judges were to reach the question, they would all rule against DJT there. Henderson seems like she very clearly wants to decide the case on this basis,
9/
repeatedly insisting that DJT’s actions in connection with 1/6 were not the type that would be immunized.
10/
On (4), none of the judges appeared to seriously entertain DJT’s argument, which is consistent with the mainline interpretation of the constitutional clause at issue. (The Impeachment Judgments Clause.)
11/
This case will go up to SCOTUS. Not only because it’s obviously incredibly important, in much the same way as the CO case was. But also because the CADC opinion might look pretty fractured – that is, different judges wanting to rule against DJT on different grounds.
12/
But it was a very bad day for Trump. The (realistic) positive bound of today’s outcomes was a scenario in which Henderson fought hard for his position, and that was certainly not the case.
/e
• • •
Missing some Tweet in this thread? You can try to
force a refresh
TRUMP WILL LOSE IN DC DISTRICT COURT, PROBABLY 3-0
Here's why.
On the jurisdictional issue, whether presidential immunity ("PI") can be appealed at this time, Judges Henderson and Pan seems sure that this won't preclude them from reaching the merits.
2/
Judge Childs seems more skeptical, although I'm not sure she's skeptical enough to avoid a holding on the underlying merits.
3/
Predictably, we start with a Childs question on interlocutory jurisdiction (Midland Asphalt, or MA).
Childs wants to know where presidential immunity is "explicit," which, she says, MA requires that it be.
ANSWER: Article II, Section 1, and impeachment judgment clause.
2/
Childs continues to point to MA's language saying that there has to be an explicit immunity for interlocutory appeal. Sauer does the best he really can here, arguing that it's not a magic words requirement.
3/
If you spend any time talking with R-side folks about the Trump immunity, they’ll invariably both-sides you with some reference to Anwar Al-Awlaki (AAA), a U.S. citizen that United States killed in a 2011 Yemeni drone strike.
1/
The strike was a part of a military counter-terror mission. The both-sides talking point is that Obama wasn’t prosecuted for murdering a U.S. citizen, so Trump shouldn’t be prosecuted for official acts that also commingle with criminality.
2/
Or, to phrase it differently, if Trump can be prosecuted for 1/6, then Obama could have been prosecuted for the drone strike.
This both-sides bullshit elides crucial details, all of which materially distinguish the two situations.
3/
First and foremost, Paul Clement filed this brief, so we are getting a window into what the arguments will look like when SCOTUS takes the case. Clement will file the cert petition and argue. For those who don’t follow this world, he’s the R-side’s apex litigator at SCOTUS.
2/
And to be clear: SCOTUS will take the case after Meadows fails to prevail on en banc rehearing. (It’s possible that CA11 rehears, but Meadows won’t win. There’s a clear left-right coalition to deny removal; the rest is detail, although the detail will be important later.)
3/
He has to win 2 positions @ once: (1) that presidential immunity from criminal prosecution exists at all (the existential question); and (2) that if it exists, it covers him (the coverage question).
In making both, he’s got what I’ll call a “Bad Actor Problem.”
2/
To get SCOTUS to recognize a new immunity (the existential question), a normal litigant would emphasize narrow coverage—that the immunity could be narrowly tailored to avoid too many edge cases, etc.
3/
I READ THE TRUMP IMMUNITY BRIEF SO YOU DON’T HAVE TO!
Sometimes the client leaves the lawyer with nothing besides bad arguments, and that’s mostly the case here.
1/
The primary issue here is whether DJT has “presidential immunity” from criminal prosecution in the DC case, and he’ll lose that before the DC Circuit (“CADC”) – and probably before SCOTUS. There’s a secondary Impeachment Clause argument that is a LITTLE closer,
2/
but only a little, and DJT will lose that before CADC as well.
DJT has to win two separate planks to win the immunity argument, and it’s exceedingly unlikely that he’s going to win both of them.
3/