I'm interrupting my 2-month Twitter hiatus b/c I've just found a highly relevant speech from the Ratification debates (1788):
Against Presidential Immunity & Unitary Executive theory (interpreting the Opinions Clause).
Future SCOTUS Justice Iredell, NC Convention, 7/28/1788:
2/ From Elliot's Ratification Debates, Vol. 4, p. 108-110.
NC Delegate James Iredell, SCOTUS Justice 1790-1799:
On presidential criminal liability, to explain the Opinions Clause vs. a British cabinet, he first explains that a president is (obviously) different from the King:
3/ The king is immune from criminal & civil liability, so cabinet ministers stand in for the king to face criminal and political liability.
But in the republican Constitution, the president is (obviously) civilly & criminally liable, and his accountability should be made clear:
4/ Iredell, N.C. Convention, on official Pres acts:
“If the President does a single act by which the people are prejudiced, he is punishable himself…
If he commits any crime, he is punishable by the laws of his country, and in capital cases may be deprived of his life.”
5/ But wait, there's more:
This passage shows the opposite of the Unitary Executive theory.
Iredell reflects an obvious, common sense understanding of the Opinions Clause:
*The principal officers of the Departments are independent of presidential control.*
Iredell, p. 108:
6/ This confirms what I've also found from the First Congress in interpreting the Opinions Clause. More to come on this soon in my updated paper on Freehold Offices vs. Despotic Displacement. papers.ssrn.com/abstract=45211…
7/ My updated @ssrn draft here on the Unitary Executive theory (i.e., nonsense ideological "vibe originalism") and how the Founders had the same common-sense reading of the Opinions Clause with which we've been refuting the unitary theory for years: ssrn.com/abstract=45211…
8/ Highly relevant:
Iredell is evidence against Team Trump's theory of prosecution ONLY after impeachment/removal.
Iredell does not say "impeachment, then prosecution."
Two independent sentences here: 1. Impeach & disqualify 2. Prosecute
The "And/Or" is clearly implied:
9/ Note: Iredell thinks it’s obvious that “misdemeanors” lead to impeachment and disqualification, while “crimes” would be prosecuted - overlapping but separate processes.
Iredell thinks this is obvious as legal background before he makes his actual argument about cabinets.
@JostSteve Working *on* it. So many flagrant and huge errors by “originalists”, and so many messes created by the Roberts Court in so many dangerous areas, it’s tough to finish this book.
10/ @ilan_wurman doesn't get my point & says the Iredell passage is "already well known." 1) On presidential crim liability, true: Prakash & @ProfBrianKalt discussed it in Texas L Rev 2021. I hadn't seen it in this litigation. 2) But on unitary theory?...
@ilan_wurman @ProfBrianKalt 11/ I just searched Westlaw & Google, and it seems no one has quoted any part of the passage I've highlighted here:
The president and the department heads "might otherwise have colluded, and opinions have been given with too much under his influence."
@ilan_wurman @ProfBrianKalt 12/ One underlying assumption of the Iredell's 3-page section is that the president and dept heads are independent of each other. This sentence makes this point more explicitly. And that's a new source for the common sense point, @ilan_wurman
@ilan_wurman @ProfBrianKalt 13/ My reply to @ilan_wurman, who said he didn’t understand my interpretation of Iredell as evidence for Department Heads’/principal officers’ decisional and structural independence from the President, as part of Iredell’s argument for presidential criminal liability:
🧵 from @jdmortenson on Sai Prakash & Aditya Bamzai is devastating.
It has serious legal implications - and it is actually much worse.
Julian & I have asked questions for years privately & politely.
I regret that it has come to this.
I regret I didn't call them out 4 yrs ago. 1/
2/ I emailed Prakash questions about his use of sources in May 2020, early in Covid, in his article "New Light on the Decision of 1789," while Seila Law was pending.
He never addressed them. Instead, he & @adityabamzai repeated them & added new misuses: papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cf…
3/ I sent drafts to Prakash detailing my concerns.
In 2020, I co-organized a conference at Stanford & invited Prakash (Covid pushed to 2022).
He accepted, but when he asked if I would be debating past work, he cancelled w/ no explanation.
It gets worse. law.stanford.edu/events-archive…
This scare tactic - that the GOP will challenge any new nominee - is meritless nonsense, belied by Speaker Johnson's inability to specify any legal argument.
(See election law experts like @rickhasen in thread)
It tells you the GOP is desperate to keep Biden on the ballot. 1/
“I don’t put any credence into it,” says @RickHasen. “Biden is not the party’s nominee now, and states generally point to the major party’s nominee as the one whose name is on the ballot.”
I've read Judge Cannon's dismissal of the Mar-a-Lago case, ruling Special Counsel Jack Smith's appointment was invalid.
I am shocked but not surprised.
Clearly she was desperate to dismiss the Watergate case US v. Nixon & DC Cir. precedents in order to dismiss this case.
1/
2/ Cannon's decision is mostly statutory interpretation, not con law, ruling Smith's appointment does not have a statutory basis.
She doesn't rule directly on the constitutional issues, but she sneaks them in through "clear statement" rules, a now infamous Roberts Court move.
3/ I acknowledge the statutory basis for Smith's appointment is not textually obvious.
Judge Cannon actually does a good job explaining that the statutes that the DOJ relies on are not clear or leave questions.
But what do judges do when they have such doubts?
Trump v. US thread.
Opinion below.
Bottom line #1: I agree that a Jan 6 trial cannot happen before the election (That was almost certain when the Court took this case)
2/ The Court remanded the case.
Commentators are overlooking the Court's emphasis on "presumptive immunity," rather than "absolute immunity."
See Chief Justice Roberts's concise summary at p. 6 below.
This presumption still opens a big door for trial court evidentiary hearings.
3/ The Court holds "absolute immunity" for "core constitutional powers" (p. 6 above).
But what are those "core" powers?
p. 8: "Congress cannot act on, and courts cannot examine, the President’s actions on subjects within his 'conclusive and preclusive' constitutional authority."
I'll be live-tweeting tonight's debate, to the extent that I can keep up and have the stomach for it.
🧵 1/ I note that Donald Trump has already lost the expectations pre-game, which may (or may not) be a big deal. politicalwire.com/2024/06/27/mor…
2/ "A @nytimes Siena College poll found 60% of registered voters thought Trump would perform 'very' or 'somewhat' well in tonight’s debate. Only 46% said the same of Biden.
Overall, nearly half of voters anticipated a poor showing for Biden."
Low expectations. Maybe good news?
@nytimes 3/ I'm sorry this matters, but Biden has a frog in his throat, and even when he cleared the frog, his voice is flat and monotone. His answer on inflation is fine substantively, but the vocals are really not good.
His answer was good.
But he sounds weak.
@RickPildes 3/ Barrett picked up on the Special Counsel's argument of the absurdity that crim statutes need a clear statement, if only a tiny number of statutes include (she said only three or so). Surely Congress did not mean for presidents to be broadly immune so generally from crim law.