In 1967, Federal Agencies and a group of mostly Jewish businessmen attempted to rehabilitate the deteriorating housing in Boston’s overwhelmingly Black neighborhood of Roxbury. The attempt ended in anger and disappointment, highlighting the precarious nature of the “alliance.” 🧵
Over the decades, Roxbury had experienced waves of ethnic transition - from Yankee protestant, to mainly Irish Catholic, to Eastern European Jewish. But the transition from Jewish to Black would be the most turbulent. Crime skyrocketed; there were riots in 1967 and 1968.
Ambitious Great Society programs were designed to improve housing. But despite the torrent of federal funds and idealistic rhetoric, only a tiny percentage of slum housing had been reclaimed.
On paper, the Roxbury area still looked like one of the most desirable neighborhoods in the city – It had decent housing stock, an easy commute to the downtown, and it bordered the beautiful, 527-acre Olmstead-designed Franklin Park.
Hoping to cut red-tape and ensure success, the feds contracted with a handful of experienced, proven developers. But the demographic makeup of the developers (four Jews and an Irishman) would lead soon lead to conflict with Black activists.
Jewish leaders had played a critical role in the rise on the civil rights movement, and often spoke of a Black-Jewish Alliance. But there were few signs of an alliance on the streets of Boston. There, Blacks saw Jews as slumlords and exploiters. Jews saw Blacks as violent thugs.
Meanwhile, Roxbury was deteriorating so rapidly that the project began to appear daunting. Author Harvey Cox was committed to integration and determined to stay – Until he started noticing drug-pushers as he walked his children to school. He soon moved his family out of the city.
The plan ($24.5 million to rehabilitate some two thousand units) was announced on December 3, 1967. But instead of a warm reception, the plan was attacked by Black activists, who called it a robbery of the Roxbury community for failing to accommodate local interests.
Black activist (and future Boston Mayoral candidate) Mel King demanded “equity” for the community, and seemed to threaten violence: “We will take whatever steps necessary to prevent the project from going forward as currently planned.”
In light of the protests, attempts were made to bring Black partners into the project. But the bulk of the funding was still in the hands of Jewish developers. They continued to face hostility and setbacks. Their units were plagued by "institutionalized" vandalism and theft.
Mel King turned up the pressure – He and a group of Blacks ransacked the office of developer Maurice Simon, and bullied him into agreeing to a list of further demands. Simon tried unsuccessfully to bring in another partner. And he returned to the FHA to request more funding.
A Black nonprofit invited a young architect to join a parallel development effort. He joined enthusiastically. But he was chastened to see the condition of the abandoned units – The area was “heavily assaulted by drug users … It was clearly a combat zone.”
If the looters and vandals rationalized that they were stealing from "The Man" - Could a Black-led development team have better luck?
No - The Black team's neighborhood development projects "were beset by problems from the very beginning, especially theft of building materials."
The projected ended in disappointment and finger-pointing, and with further deterioration of Black-Jewish relations. And as violent street crime increased in nearby neighborhoods, Jewish flight from Boston accelerated.
For those interested, a related thread on violence in Roxbury and Dorchester:
The Battle for South Boston:
Busing in Boston resembled a military occupation, where the invading forces had identified three “centers of gravity” that needed to be controlled – the high schools in South Boston, Hyde Park, and Charlestown. "Southie" was the most important.
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“The struggle over Boston school desegregation is the perfect fight for the Irish. They were doomed before they started. Therefore, they can be expected to fight on.”
Jimmy Breslin, 1975
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Why Southie? It was partly symbolic – The resistance to forced integration in Boston was led by the Irish, and Southie was the neighborhood with the strongest Irish identity. It was home to the Saint Patrick’s Day parade, and well-known Irish politicians.
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Bombing Germany – From Douhet to Dresden: How British and American air forces came to employ a strategy of massacring civilians.
> Instead of engaging enemy forces, peak American technology and some of its best, bravest men were put to work killing women and children.
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"Jus in Bello" traditions had endured for nearly two hundred years in the West. But after WW I, the new theories of air warfare and the new technology of the heavy four-engine bomber set the stage for the indiscriminate destruction of cities and the mass-killing of civilians.
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Pre-WW II air-power theorists like Douhet had argued that terror-bombing of civilians would actually *shorten* a war and save lives. Although bombing of military targets continued throughout the war, proponents of terror bombing were allowed to put their theory into practice.
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In 1974, in the second month of the disastrous court-ordered integration in Boston, violence spread and the crisis escalated, with national implications. President Ford weighed-in, and the 82nd Airborne Division at Fort Brag was put on standby alert.
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In September of 1974, the often violent resistance in South Boston had grabbed national attention. Hopes that the turmoil could be contained to one neighborhood were soon shattered. In early October, Blacks rioted in neighborhoods across the city. 2/
On October 8, following news of a beating of a Haitian immigrant in South Boston, turmoil broke out at English High school. Blacks rioted and battled police around Mission Hill. "Some 1,500 black students began walking up Tremont Street "smashing windows and hurling rocks." 3/
> 1960: America seems to be entering an era of hope and prosperity.
> End of the 1960s: Complete break-down of law and order. Half the country afraid to go out at night. A crime wave of "epic proportions."
From 1960 to 1970, rates of violent crime (essentially, murder, rape, robbery, and serious assaults) in the U.S. more than doubled, from 161 per 100,000 to 364. Murder rates rose 55 percent, while robbery rates climbed over 91 percent. And it continued to rise into the 1990s.
There was some evidence of rising crime in other western countries. But crime was *falling* in Japan. And Korea, Hong Kong, and Singapore did not see a significant crime increase.
Catholic Irish v. Italian culture clash in 1890s Boston:
"In the old country, regular church attendance was expected only of females; Italian men in Boston
discovered that no Catholic was exempt from this obligation."
"The Irish priest, whose devotions centered around the all-male Holy Trinity, encountered the matriarchal Italian family, which focused on the Madonna and Child."
"No Irishman, for instance, would enter a church wearing a hat and puffing on a cigar; nor would he profess his human frailties prostrating himself before a crucifix or Station of the Cross."
FDR and the "Back Road" to War with Japan:
After WW I, with the Lansing–Ishii Agreement, the U.S. had acknowledged that Japan has legitimate security interests in Manchuria – the Bolsheviks were on the march, the spread of communism threatened China and Korea.
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Lennin had shrewdly granted concessions to U.S. businesses in Manchuria, sowing the seeds for conflict – “In this way we incite American Imperialism against the Japanese bourgeoisie.”
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By the 1930s, Japan had seized control of Manchuria. But it was clear that that the Soviets were hard at work laying the foundation for Communist revolution in the Far East.
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