Part II - Black-Jewish conflict in Boston as neighborhoods transitioned in the late 1960s. In April of 1968 Black radicals threatened to burn down the once-stately Mishkan Tefila temple complex unless it was turned over to the “Black community” free of charge.🧵
By the 1950s, most wealthy Jews had abandoned Boston for the suburbs, and the temple had been purchased by a Lubavitcher sect, who lacked funds to maintain it. They soon found themselves under siege in a neighborhood that was now overwhelmingly Black and increasingly hostile.
Some Jewish leaders hatched a plan to transfer the deteriorating temple complex to a Black community group led by Elma Lewis - hoping this might improve the increasingly strained relations between Boston’s Blacks and Jews.
Jewish leaders suggested Lewis try fund-raising in the Black community to help with the purchase of the temple. The timing was awkward, as Black militants were now calling for reparations from Jews to Blacks. Jews were shocked by hits development.
While the Lubavitchers lacked enough funds to move, or even to properly maintain the temple, tensions continued to rise. As they were being pressured by the Lewis and Black community - by a strange coincidence - mysterious fires started to break out in the complex.
Following the MLK assassination and riots, and with the arrival of the Black Panthers in the area, the threats of arson became more explicit. Jewish leaders in Boston were disturbed that threats and accusations were coming from the “Left” - student radicals and Black militants.
Hoping to repair relations, a Jewish charitable organization decided to buy-out the temple and donate it to a Black community group. They asked Elma Lewis about making a token contribution. She was outraged by the mere suggestion – “You owe it to us. And were not paying a dime.”
Accusations that Lewis was connected with the incitement and arson were never substantiated, but would result in years of lawsuits.
The donation of the Temple succeeded in generating positive publicity. But the problems of the racial transformation of the formerly Jewish neighborhoods continued.
Meanwhile, Sylvia Rothchild, a young Jewish writer living in a comfortable Boston suburb, became passionately involved with the Fund for United Negro Development (FUND) a charity that aimed to raise millions for Boston’s Black community.
But relations with Black activists were rocky - The FUND held a breakfast seminar with a militant Black speaker. He rambled and ranted. It did not go over well - “‘Don’t call me whitey … I resent being called whitey as much as you resent being called n____.’’
On another occasion a Black radical subjected Rothchild to a “particularly vituperative harangue at a FUND meeting.” Later, he called her and asked for help with grammar and spelling for a paper he was distributing to a black student group.
FUND tried to organize seminars where Black speakers were paid fees simply to sit around and talk to potential contributors. "Invariably, the black speakers came at least an hour late, leaving Rothchild and other FUND members sitting in their cars outside the locked storefronts."
The forums degenerated into Black rage sessions - A Black Panther told Rothchild that "whites were hopeless because they lacked love and compassion, spent their time listening to operas that invariably ended in mass stabbings, and waited in line to see movies about homosexuals."
Black ranting made Rothchild recall "the irrational views of goyyim shared by many of her parents’ generation—eating pork turned humans into pigs ... and only Jews were capable of compassion and love. Now she was being told that blacks alone possessed positive character traits."
The FUND continued to throw money around the Black community. But middle-class Jews who still lived in the city did not appreciate FUND activities: “Last night they broke into my husband’s pharmacy, the people you help. … What’s the matter with you people in the suburbs?”
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By the 1950s, anti-communism was a key issue for Catholic voters. Catholics strongly supported Senator Joseph McCarthy. Catholic anti-Communism would help President Eisenhower carry the largest share ever of the Catholic vote for a Republican candidate up to that time.
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Historically, the Catholic Church was "the foremost foe of the Marxist movement" - dating back to Pope Pius IX's 1846 encyclical against communism titled "Qui pluribus." By 1948, Monsignor Fulton J. Sheen had taken up the anti-communist struggle in America.
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Joseph McCarthy was elected to the Senate in 1946. Ethnic Catholics, "disgusted with the Yalta agreements and Soviet domination of Eastern Europe, put McCarthy over the top both in the primary and the November election."
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The Battle for South Boston:
Busing in Boston resembled a military occupation, where the invading forces had identified three “centers of gravity” that needed to be controlled – the high schools in South Boston, Hyde Park, and Charlestown. "Southie" was the most important.
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“The struggle over Boston school desegregation is the perfect fight for the Irish. They were doomed before they started. Therefore, they can be expected to fight on.”
Jimmy Breslin, 1975
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Why Southie? It was partly symbolic – The resistance to forced integration in Boston was led by the Irish, and Southie was the neighborhood with the strongest Irish identity. It was home to the Saint Patrick’s Day parade, and well-known Irish politicians.
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Bombing Germany – From Douhet to Dresden: How British and American air forces came to employ a strategy of massacring civilians.
> Instead of engaging enemy forces, peak American technology and some of its best, bravest men were put to work killing women and children.
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"Jus in Bello" traditions had endured for nearly two hundred years in the West. But after WW I, the new theories of air warfare and the new technology of the heavy four-engine bomber set the stage for the indiscriminate destruction of cities and the mass-killing of civilians.
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Pre-WW II air-power theorists like Douhet had argued that terror-bombing of civilians would actually *shorten* a war and save lives. Although bombing of military targets continued throughout the war, proponents of terror bombing were allowed to put their theory into practice.
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In 1974, in the second month of the disastrous court-ordered integration in Boston, violence spread and the crisis escalated, with national implications. President Ford weighed-in, and the 82nd Airborne Division at Fort Brag was put on standby alert.
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In September of 1974, the often violent resistance in South Boston had grabbed national attention. Hopes that the turmoil could be contained to one neighborhood were soon shattered. In early October, Blacks rioted in neighborhoods across the city. 2/
On October 8, following news of a beating of a Haitian immigrant in South Boston, turmoil broke out at English High school. Blacks rioted and battled police around Mission Hill. "Some 1,500 black students began walking up Tremont Street "smashing windows and hurling rocks." 3/
> 1960: America seems to be entering an era of hope and prosperity.
> End of the 1960s: Complete break-down of law and order. Half the country afraid to go out at night. A crime wave of "epic proportions."
From 1960 to 1970, rates of violent crime (essentially, murder, rape, robbery, and serious assaults) in the U.S. more than doubled, from 161 per 100,000 to 364. Murder rates rose 55 percent, while robbery rates climbed over 91 percent. And it continued to rise into the 1990s.
There was some evidence of rising crime in other western countries. But crime was *falling* in Japan. And Korea, Hong Kong, and Singapore did not see a significant crime increase.
In 1970 Brandeis University admitted Stanley Ray Bond a Vietnam veteran and former convict. What was the worst that could happen? Less than a year later, two young Brandeis coeds were on the run from the law, as two of the first women to make the FBI’s most wanted list.
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Bond served in the Army from 1963 to 1965, including a tour in Vietnam. Not long after his discharged he embarked on an armed-robbery spree, and was sentenced to 6 to 12 years in Walpole State Prison. But he was released early under the Student Tutor Education Program.
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Bond was not the only hardened criminal paroled to attended university in Boston. William “Lefty” Gilday had once been a promising minor league pitcher for a Washington Senators farm team. Like Bond, Gilday was doing time for armed robbery when the two met at Walpole.
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