Dilan Esper Profile picture
Feb 29 30 tweets 5 min read Read on X
This "the courts are slow-walking Trump's immunity claim" narrative (for the most part coming from non-lawyers who don't understand anything about the system) is truly pissing me off. So here's the real story. 1/
President Trump was indicted last August. Notably that's the biggest slow walk of all- an August 2023 indictment for a January 2021 alleged crime, and 10 months after Jack Smith was appointed. But Smith is a saint among men and "on our team", so he cannot be criticized. 2/
President Trump's motion to dismiss was filed on September 29, less than TWO MONTHS after the case commenced. Judge Chutkan, who, again, gets no criticism because she's on the right "team", decided it on December 1, a two month delay. 3/
Nonetheless, to be clear, Judge Chutkan deserves no criticism for this. Two months from filing to decision on a motion to dismiss in federal court is VERY FAST. Usually you are looking at six months or more. This case was expedited. 4/
Donald Trump had a right, under law, to appeal this ruling to the Court of Appeals and to stay the trial court proceedings while he did it. You may not like this rule, but it applies to ANYONE raising an immunity defense, not just Donald Trump. 5/
President Trump took his appeal and the court concluded briefing in JUST ONE MONTH, and then held oral argument on January 9 and decided the case February 6. This is LIGHTNING FAST. Most CoA cases take about a year to a year and half between commencement and conclusion. 6/
Further, the DC Circuit itself broke a norm to speed up the case further, and NOBODY criticized it for breaking this norm. It's a technical issue, but the "mandate" is the date on which a court of appeals judgment goes into effect. 7/
In a normal case, you get 15 days to petition the court to rehear the case (in case some error was made) or to suggest that the full court, rather than a 3 judge panel, hear the case, and then the decision takes effect 7 days after that. 8/
The DC Circuit panel took those 22 days away from President Trump. It did so even though we have no idea if the full DC Circuit actually might have wanted to hear the case. Doesn't matter, the panel said, we won't let you. The decision takes effect immediately. 9/
So President Trump was forced to file immediately for US Supreme Court review. Even here, his time was cut. Normally you get 3 months to file a petition to the Supreme Court. The DC Circuit gave President Trump A WEEK. Again, enormous speed. 10/
President Trump filed his application for SCOTUS to take the case on February 12. SCOTUS decided within just SIXTEEN DAYS to grant the application.

And then SCOTUS set a HIGHLY expedited briefing schedule. 11/
Normally, a case that is taken by the Supreme Court on February 28 will be briefed through the spring and summer, heard in October when the new term starts, and decided the following January or so. 12/
But SCOTUS held all briefing will be done by APRIL and it will be orally argued the week of 4/22. That sets this up for decision in early May. A motion that was filed in September goes through all three levels of the federal court system and gets decided by May. That's FAST! 13/
Want to know what regular order looks like? Well, Judge Chutkan takes 6 months to rule on the motion to dismiss, and rules on it the last week of March 2024. The DC Circuit appeal takes a year and is decided in March 2025. Throw on another month for the en banc denial. 14/
Trump petitions for certiorari in Spring 2025 and his petition is granted and the case is briefed in the summer and early fall and is argued in November 2025. It is decided in March 2026. That's what regular order is. This case has been expedited by ALMOST 2 YEARS TOTAL. 15/
And if you want to argue that a 5/24 decision is still too late, well, SCOTUS only controls the last 3 months of that delay. The rest of it? Blame the liberal Judge Chutkan and DC Circuit and ESPECIALLY the DOJ, who DIDN'T BRING THIS CASE FOR 2 1/2 YEARS! 16/
Seriously the court system took almost 2 years off a case that DOJ took 2 1/2 years to bring. The Supreme Court itself took 8 months off of the case. And we're blaming the Supreme Court? This is utterly wrong. 17/
The reality is once the DOJ decided it would take 2 1/2 years to bring January 6 charges, this goose was cooked. And that is the case even though the federal courts, including SCOTUS, tried to pull it out of the oven quicker at the end. End/
@MarkGattozzi @ARozenshtein 2. SCOTUS taking the case in December would have been extraordinary. SCOTUS rarely jumps in before a Court of Appeals has acted, and Jack Smith's argument that they should have was actually a lot weaker than Trump's immunity argument. It was never happening.
@MarkGattozzi @ARozenshtein 3. Sat for weeks? They decided the cert petition 16 days after receiving it, which again is lightning fast by SCOTUS standards.
@MarkGattozzi @ARozenshtein (It allowed Justice Jackson to sit on the affirmative action case.)

Also at least 6 cert before judgment cases were grant vacate and remand cases where court corrected some procedural error, not merits cases.
@MarkGattozzi @ARozenshtein As far as I know this would have been only the 5th case of its kind to jump the Court of Appeals in the last 20 years or so had they granted cert before judgment.
@MarkGattozzi @ARozenshtein (But perhaps you know more about appellate practice than I do. :) )
@SirCanuckles TBC I don't think that. I think 2 months is fine.
@InquisitiveUrsa See also the immigration judges issue which slows up asylum processing. We just don't have enough judicial officers at multiple points in the system.
@mo_sabet @MarkGattozzi @ARozenshtein It's at the point where I've answered most of the talking points. :)
@mo_sabet @MarkGattozzi @ARozenshtein And I'm not saying you do this but there's a "they do this all the time" sort of talking point being thrown around and no, even now, they really don't do it all the time. It's very rare.
@reedtcampbell Whereas here, this is not a discovery issue or grinding ongoing investigations to a halt. It's just a legal issue about whether there can be a trial.
@Trillest110 @Perl_of_Wisdom @ChiCyph80 @MarkGattozzi @ARozenshtein There's a reason Finley Peter Dunne's joke about SCOTUS following the election returns has so much bite. You don't want courts thinking about this shit, let alone trying to influence the results of elections (which of course is the real goal here).
@Trillest110 @Perl_of_Wisdom @ChiCyph80 @MarkGattozzi @ARozenshtein I definitely want the official rule to be "the election is legally irrelevant".

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More from @dilanesper

Apr 13
this is why gag orders on criminal defendants implicate the 1st Amendment.

I realize folks feel Trump is sui generis, but imagine if a prosecutor falsely accuses you of a crime (which happens ALL THE TIME) and you having no right to tell the public the witnesses aren't credible.
I GET why people don't want to extend that right to Trump when he has all these supporters who could be riled up to intimidate a potential witness.

But there's a principle here whatever you want to say about former President Trump.
Remember prosecutors have a LOT of power. And the threshold for bringing a criminal charge is very low. So if you believe anyone who is charged with crimes can be gagged, you are basically saying our First Amendment rights can be shut off by a government functionary.
Read 4 tweets
Mar 1
Let's talk about the last time a President brought a questionable immunity claim up through the courts, Clinton v. Jones. It makes an interesting contrast to the Trump case. 1/
So some background. Bill Clinton was a brilliant politician. He also had what one of his aides called a "zipper problem" and what another one (a female aide, to be clear) called "bimbo eruptions". He wasn't faithful to Hillary in Arkansas and had a number of girlfriends. 2/
This became a national story in 1992 when he ran for President. The National Enquirer got ahold of tapes of Bill and one of his girlfriends, the nightclub singer Gennifer Flowers, talking about their affair. Bill and Hillary famously went on 60 Minutes to address the issue. 3/
Read 22 tweets
Feb 24
I've been thinking a lot about how quickly at least the official Republican Party flip-flopped on IVF. I think it tells you something about a certain kind of political issue. I am going to call these Vampire Issues because they can't be exposed to sunlight. 1/
A Vampire Issue is an extremist position that a political party takes to please some very small set of people in its coalition, because the country is not paying attention and it will shut the group up/cement their support. 2/
GOP opposition to IVF is the paradigm. It is extremist-- IVF. is very popuarl It pleases very Catholic conservatives and some pro-life activists. The public was not paying attention to the position (mainly because Roe made it irrelevant). And it cemented pro-life support. 3/
Read 18 tweets
Feb 21
Maybe I will write about this in detail (could even be a law review article, although IDK if I have the bandwidth), but the District Court which thought it was helping Harvard with its finding of no anti-Asian discrimination took the SFFA case in a much worse direction as Con Law
The elements of the argument:

1. The District Court and Court of Appeals were REALLY biased towards Harvard, and the finding of no anti-Asian discrimination was, given the "personal score" stuff (which was CLEARLY discriminatory), obviously an attempt to help Harvard on appeal.
2. The problem is there were two ways SFFA could be decided, and given the composition of the Supreme Court it was obvious Harvard was going to lose eventually.

The question was WHICH way it lost.
Read 11 tweets
Feb 6
You are going to hear a bunch of takes this week about how the Supreme Court is "required" to take Trump off the ballot.

Whether or not you buy the argument that he's disqualified, remember this-- nothing is "required".

SCOTUS can do whatever it wants. 1/
Moreover, even if there's some notion that plain text should constrain SCOTUS from considering pragmatic issues (such as how half the country would react to disenfranchisement), this case is NOT about plain text. Section 3 is an old, very ambiguous, seldom invoked provision. 2/
A court can always consider pragmatism, policy arguments, and what the country might think in construing ambiguous provisions. If plain text binds, that argument applies only to just that, plain text. 3/
Read 8 tweets
Jan 8
having listened, on @ProfDBernstein 's recommendation, to the Federalist Society's excellent, diverse (no pun intended) panel on affirmative action, one thing I think a lot of people don't get is there really is a lot of anti-Asian animus in college admissions. I think it evolved
in other words, i don't think it started out "there's too many Asians, let's screw them over". Rather, I think that people who started out open minded and tolerant ran into a situation where they couldn't reach their other goals without discriminating against Asians.
Those goals were admitting enough Black students, while also keeping white elite donors happy by admitting their children, while also maintaining enough slots for high scoring white students to enter on allegedly meritocratic grounds. Something had to give, and it was Asians.
Read 8 tweets

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