This "the courts are slow-walking Trump's immunity claim" narrative (for the most part coming from non-lawyers who don't understand anything about the system) is truly pissing me off. So here's the real story. 1/
President Trump was indicted last August. Notably that's the biggest slow walk of all- an August 2023 indictment for a January 2021 alleged crime, and 10 months after Jack Smith was appointed. But Smith is a saint among men and "on our team", so he cannot be criticized. 2/
President Trump's motion to dismiss was filed on September 29, less than TWO MONTHS after the case commenced. Judge Chutkan, who, again, gets no criticism because she's on the right "team", decided it on December 1, a two month delay. 3/
Nonetheless, to be clear, Judge Chutkan deserves no criticism for this. Two months from filing to decision on a motion to dismiss in federal court is VERY FAST. Usually you are looking at six months or more. This case was expedited. 4/
Donald Trump had a right, under law, to appeal this ruling to the Court of Appeals and to stay the trial court proceedings while he did it. You may not like this rule, but it applies to ANYONE raising an immunity defense, not just Donald Trump. 5/
President Trump took his appeal and the court concluded briefing in JUST ONE MONTH, and then held oral argument on January 9 and decided the case February 6. This is LIGHTNING FAST. Most CoA cases take about a year to a year and half between commencement and conclusion. 6/
Further, the DC Circuit itself broke a norm to speed up the case further, and NOBODY criticized it for breaking this norm. It's a technical issue, but the "mandate" is the date on which a court of appeals judgment goes into effect. 7/
In a normal case, you get 15 days to petition the court to rehear the case (in case some error was made) or to suggest that the full court, rather than a 3 judge panel, hear the case, and then the decision takes effect 7 days after that. 8/
The DC Circuit panel took those 22 days away from President Trump. It did so even though we have no idea if the full DC Circuit actually might have wanted to hear the case. Doesn't matter, the panel said, we won't let you. The decision takes effect immediately. 9/
So President Trump was forced to file immediately for US Supreme Court review. Even here, his time was cut. Normally you get 3 months to file a petition to the Supreme Court. The DC Circuit gave President Trump A WEEK. Again, enormous speed. 10/
President Trump filed his application for SCOTUS to take the case on February 12. SCOTUS decided within just SIXTEEN DAYS to grant the application.
And then SCOTUS set a HIGHLY expedited briefing schedule. 11/
Normally, a case that is taken by the Supreme Court on February 28 will be briefed through the spring and summer, heard in October when the new term starts, and decided the following January or so. 12/
But SCOTUS held all briefing will be done by APRIL and it will be orally argued the week of 4/22. That sets this up for decision in early May. A motion that was filed in September goes through all three levels of the federal court system and gets decided by May. That's FAST! 13/
Want to know what regular order looks like? Well, Judge Chutkan takes 6 months to rule on the motion to dismiss, and rules on it the last week of March 2024. The DC Circuit appeal takes a year and is decided in March 2025. Throw on another month for the en banc denial. 14/
Trump petitions for certiorari in Spring 2025 and his petition is granted and the case is briefed in the summer and early fall and is argued in November 2025. It is decided in March 2026. That's what regular order is. This case has been expedited by ALMOST 2 YEARS TOTAL. 15/
And if you want to argue that a 5/24 decision is still too late, well, SCOTUS only controls the last 3 months of that delay. The rest of it? Blame the liberal Judge Chutkan and DC Circuit and ESPECIALLY the DOJ, who DIDN'T BRING THIS CASE FOR 2 1/2 YEARS! 16/
Seriously the court system took almost 2 years off a case that DOJ took 2 1/2 years to bring. The Supreme Court itself took 8 months off of the case. And we're blaming the Supreme Court? This is utterly wrong. 17/
The reality is once the DOJ decided it would take 2 1/2 years to bring January 6 charges, this goose was cooked. And that is the case even though the federal courts, including SCOTUS, tried to pull it out of the oven quicker at the end. End/
@MarkGattozzi @ARozenshtein 2. SCOTUS taking the case in December would have been extraordinary. SCOTUS rarely jumps in before a Court of Appeals has acted, and Jack Smith's argument that they should have was actually a lot weaker than Trump's immunity argument. It was never happening.
@MarkGattozzi @ARozenshtein 3. Sat for weeks? They decided the cert petition 16 days after receiving it, which again is lightning fast by SCOTUS standards.
@MarkGattozzi @ARozenshtein (It allowed Justice Jackson to sit on the affirmative action case.)
Also at least 6 cert before judgment cases were grant vacate and remand cases where court corrected some procedural error, not merits cases.
@MarkGattozzi @ARozenshtein As far as I know this would have been only the 5th case of its kind to jump the Court of Appeals in the last 20 years or so had they granted cert before judgment.
@MarkGattozzi @ARozenshtein (But perhaps you know more about appellate practice than I do. :) )
@SirCanuckles TBC I don't think that. I think 2 months is fine.
@InquisitiveUrsa See also the immigration judges issue which slows up asylum processing. We just don't have enough judicial officers at multiple points in the system.
@mo_sabet @MarkGattozzi @ARozenshtein It's at the point where I've answered most of the talking points. :)
@mo_sabet @MarkGattozzi @ARozenshtein And I'm not saying you do this but there's a "they do this all the time" sort of talking point being thrown around and no, even now, they really don't do it all the time. It's very rare.
@reedtcampbell Whereas here, this is not a discovery issue or grinding ongoing investigations to a halt. It's just a legal issue about whether there can be a trial.
@Trillest110 @Perl_of_Wisdom @ChiCyph80 @MarkGattozzi @ARozenshtein There's a reason Finley Peter Dunne's joke about SCOTUS following the election returns has so much bite. You don't want courts thinking about this shit, let alone trying to influence the results of elections (which of course is the real goal here).
@Trillest110 @Perl_of_Wisdom @ChiCyph80 @MarkGattozzi @ARozenshtein I definitely want the official rule to be "the election is legally irrelevant".
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The basic point is that all of us have opinions about what we think the Constitution means, consider those opinions to be the "right" interpretation, and get mad when they are not followed. But no legal system works on "however anyone subjectively interprets the law is the law".
The basic problem with court packing is the way it will actually play out will not only not restore the status quo that people imagine we had, but will make things worse than they are now.
Here's what will actually happen with court packing. President AOC gets elected with a Democratic Congress in 2028 and she makes abolishing the filibuster and packing the Court a priority. She adds and appoints 4 more Justices.
People really want to rate FDR a great President because of the New Deal, World War II, and the post-war ostensibly liberal international order, so they treat it as an asterisk. It isn't. It says very dark things about Roosevelt.
Franklin Roosevelt was ALWAYS an anti-Japanese bigot. He was an Easterner who likely met very few Japanese people in his life and knew little of California. He also, notably, did not share his cousin Theodore's relatively progressive views on Japanese people.
(Theodore Roosevelt actually worked very hard to undermine an effort by unions and racist San Franciscans to kick Japanese students out of the San Francisco schools after the 1906 Earthquake. FDR did not share his cousin's enlightened views on the Japanese race.)
I'm not an expert on employment discrimination law so I am not really your source on what will happen in the NY Times reverse discrimination lawsuit.
But I can tell you about a broader more "cultural" trend about this issue, which is a lot of people don't realize this is illegal
Discrimination against white people because of their race has been illegal ever since the civil rights statutes were passed (and was illegal before that under the Constitution with respect to state actors).
TBC, there were exceptions for very specific types of affirmative action
But those exceptions, even when they existed (and it is unclear any of them still do after Students for Fair Admission), were very narrow. E.g., even many college affirmative action programs were illegal and SCOTUS struck a bunch of them down.
(a is Justice Thomas' argument in his concurrence. And it's a TERRIBLE argument. Exactly the sort of "gotcha' textualism that gives lawyers a bad name.
The 1982 amendments to the VRA were literally passed to address districting. Everyone thought that was what they were doing.
The only reason they were even changing the VRA in 1982 was to address the holding of a case called Mobile v Bolden from 1980. Bolden involved a challenge to an at large districting system. SCOTUS applied a discriminatory intent test Congress thought too strict.
So, they passed the amendment you see quoted in Callais. Yes I know it doesn't use the word "districting". But that's a totally silly and un-legal argument-- things can be about a topic without using the word.
By popular demand! Tomorrow is the 4th anniversary of the Dobbs leak. Let's talk about what did and didn't happen after Dobbs.
Obviously lots of states passed or brought into effect abortion bans after Dobbs. But while pro-lifers won the battle, pro-choicers are winning the war.
First, a number of states with initiative processes have enacted or reinstated abortion rights.
For example, Ohio passed Issue 1 in 2023, creating a state constitutional right to an abortion before viability.
In 2024, 7 states passed abortion rights ballot initiatives. Arizona, Colorado, Maryland, Missouri, Montana, New York, and Nevada all enacted broad abortion rights. A majority of Florida voters also voted for one, but were stopped by a 60% threshold imposed by GOP lawmakers.