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Behind the destruction of the cities of Gaza lies another form of violence, ever so intimate and ominous: the destruction of home.

This is important to unpack, as a key to understanding the emotional shockwaves this war is causing across the region. 🧵
Gaza's fabric, even more so than other cities in the region, was largely built by its inhabitants, in ad hoc fashion. That makes for a punishing urban space: cramped, chaotic, weak on public infrastructure.

Thus the crucial importance of private fallbacks. Especially, the home.
The home itself may be small and have little daylight, electricity, or air. But it is home: It is filled with all the things of greatest importance: the people we love, the memories we treasure, the hopes we hold, the objects that anchor us.

That is also what is being destroyed.
And it is being destroyed purposefully.

Israeli soldiers routinely stage and film themselves invading people's most intimate space: They eat food from their fridge, smoke their narguile, fondle their lingerie, loot the family jewels, mockingly play with the toys of their kids.
These numerous videos form a pattern. Likewise with arson: Soldiers document themselves setting neighborhoods ablaze once they have been secured. Fire doesn't do much militarily. It doesn't tear down concrete walls.

What it does is thoroughly destroy the home within them.
Concrete poses a problem in itself. As a commonplace material, it owes much to war: first to build bunkers, then as a cheap way to rebuild Europe post 1945.

But cities of concrete also do very poorly in war: Concrete buildings are hard to repair, their rubble difficult to reuse.
The irony is that older buildings are often far more resilient. An ancient stone mosque can fall and be erected anew, virtually unchanged. The home is likely either to remain unsafe or to be torn down and erased.

That risk increases the poorer and less empowered people are.
And where are people more dispossessed than in Gaza? Their prospect, ominously, evokes a phenomenon seen elsewhere in the region: temporary camps that slowly sink in, sediment, solidify, become the city.

These permanent camps are the physical manifestation of suspended time.
Concrete camps are places where inhabitants don't really own, inherit, and transmit. They are just as difficult to leave as they are difficult to live in. They harden, almost literally, a vulnerable group's sense of impermanence.

The region has many layers of such neighborhoods.
What is new here is three things. The unprecedented scale: how this prospect seems to encompass all of Gaza society. The thoroughness of it all: how the smallest, most personal things one clings to can also be snatched.

And the promise of more to come: Can this be the future?

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More from @PeterHarling

Mar 13
In Gaza, this man-made tragedy not only never ends, but gets ever worse, which makes it hard to analyse the war underway. That in itself makes the war all the more dangerous.

I'll therefore try to distance myself from the suffering to formulate four broad analytic hypotheses. 🧵
The real battlefield.

The West Bank, arguably, is where it is happening. Israel is pushing consistently to dramatically change the rules of the game: no PA, more settlements supported by troops fighting a chaotic insurgency. In other words, Israel is set to absorb the West Bank.
A devastating diversion.

In Gaza, there is no end game. Man-made famine captures this absence of horizon, a permanent "humanitarian crisis" inviting only relief: no rights, no governance structures, no reconstruction other than consolidated camps. Yet it focuses all attention.
Read 7 tweets
Feb 9
I've been trying to think about this deepening, dangerous split we are witnessing between Europe and the Arab world. In over 25 years living and working in the latter, I've never seen anything like it.

Why is it deeper and more dangerous than our other, age-old disputes? 🧵
What worries me most in that respect is the complete breakdown in communication. In the past, our narratives would often conflict, but within a framework that was mostly shared.

Today, Gaza creates a situation where differences are not only profound, but incommunicable.
Many Europeans see this war, whether they blame Hamas or Israel, as just another tragic conflict.

For many Arabs, however, this isn't yet another round: This time, the bulk of European states will have chosen to back, overtly or indirectly, a genocide on the Mediterranean.
Read 11 tweets
Dec 22, 2023
Genocide is a useful, frightening, and tricky word. Israelis have used it to define 7 October. Many others have described subsequent retaliations as such. Some experts concur, others disagree. It all depends on what one means by genocide. 🧵
As a legal term, its current usage is restrictive. Prosecuting a genocide requires, for instance, solid proof that orders were given specifically to eradicate a well-delineated group. That is why the massacre of some 8000 people in Srebrenica qualified.
In a legal framework, a genocide can only be determined in hindsight, once investigations have yielded such proof, possibly years after events happened. Relatively few formal determinations have been made and widely accepted internationally.
Read 22 tweets
Dec 20, 2023
A defining feature of the Gaza war is the volume of videos in which fighters film themselves committing war crimes.

This has important implications for the future. 🧵
Hamas equipped fighters with go-pros, although part of the atrocities they recorded could only fall into the hands of the enemy.

Since, Israeli soldiers have posted numerous videos of themselves looting, maltreating prisoners, and destroying civilian buildings they had secured.
This material invariably ends up becoming the opponent's most effective propaganda. It also opens avenues for legal pursuit, notably in the case of fighters who live abroad, such as Israeli dual-citizens.

Its prevalence is all the more mysterious.
Read 12 tweets
Dec 15, 2023
In my career, I have never seen such a gulf between Western countries and the Arab world. The alienation is more structural than our many past breakups, over Palestine, or Iraq, or Iran.

This estrangement has many facets. Counterintuitively, aid & development programs are one 🧵
Historically, Western states have sought to offset the effects of politics and business with humanitarian and social programs, to reduce suffering and conflict, show people to people solidarity, broaden ties beyond officials and corporations, promote shared values, and so on.
Such interventions always were ambiguous: insufficient, awkwardly patronizing or blatantly politicized. But they produced real benefits nonetheless: not just tents and food baskets in a crisis, but core infrastructure, meaningful scholarships, useful studies, and genuine bonds.
Read 10 tweets
Dec 14, 2023
Seen from the Middle East, Europe may appear like a continent drifting away: rejecting its Arab neighborhood, abandoning any belief in common human rights, and doing so out of reflexive racism.

That perception deserves nuancing. 🧵
First of all, not all European governments are embracing, aping or run by the far-right. Take Norway, Ireland, and Spain. Europe's supposed leaders, eg France or Germany, traditionally take them for granted.

Today is a good time to pay more attention to them.
Even where voters appear tempted by fascism-lite, that trend typically concerns only a third of society. In a democracy, a solid block of that size assumes outstanding weight, given fraying legacy parties.

But it is a mistake to ignore the other two thirds, however fragmented.
Read 9 tweets

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