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Aaron Reichlin-Melnick Profile picture
Mar 19 12 tweets 3 min read Read on X
Beginning this moment, Texas law enforcement officers can arrest any person in the state they believe crossed illegally. And judges can now order people to walk back into Mexico at threat of 20 years in prison if they don't—even if the person has federal permission to be here.
Crucial context: Barrett and Kavanaugh both say they are not making any decision right now because of the weird procedural posture by which it made it to the Court's shadow docket, but say if the 5th Circuit doesn't act ASAP, they may change their minds.
SO what does this mean? Well, this means SB4 is in effect—for now. But the case is likely going back to the Supreme Court on an emergency poster within the next month, either because the 5th Circuit rules officially on the stay motion, or because they wait too long and don't.
I agree with this point. Both Barrett and Kavanaugh basically opted out of deciding the merits—and for all we know, so did Roberts, Gorsuch, Thomas, and Alito, who gave no indication of why they ruled how they did.

Regardless, the 5th gets leeway.
emergency posture.*
The bigger point here is that once again, this SCOTUS permits the 5th Circuit to temporarily overturn long-standing immigration law rules—even if they will eventually strike down the law.

They did this with Remain in Mexico in 2021 and the enforcement priorities in 2022.
In both cases, SCOTUS refused a Biden administration request to block enforcement of unprecedented decisions—ordering DHS to restart Remain in Mexico, stripping the DHS Secretary of authority to issue enforcement priorities—only to eventually rule in Biden's favor months later.
Here, we have an even more perverse situation, with SCOTUS letting an unconstitutional law go into effect temporarily, based on a transparent attempt by the 5th Circuit to avoid review.

And yes, Texas will likely lose eventually. But there will be damage done in the meantime.
I obviously have no special knowledge of why the Justices who didn't opine today ruled the way they did.

But with this happening 3 years in a row, the implication is that the Justices are using these shadow docket orders to send a message about the border—and nothing more.
They want Biden to crack down harder. Which is a fundamentally political kind of thing they're not allowed to have any say on, so instead they're letting these orders go into effect for now.

It's a show of power.

Final note: I want to emphasize again that this is NOT the end of the story.

The 5th Circuit will either convert its administrative stay into a formal stay in the next few weeks, after which DOJ goes back to SCOTUS, or they won't, in which case DOJ goes back to SCOTUS.
So we should expect to be back here again in a matter of weeks, and we'll find out whether or not SB4 is a short-lived law which was only in effect for a brief period of time, or whether it gets to last for longer.

Utter nightmare for anyone arrested in the next few weeks tho!

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More from @ReichlinMelnick

Mar 8
🚨HUGE news. Judge Tipton dismisses the multistate lawsuit against the Biden admin's CHNV parole program, finding that the states do not have standing to sue.

That leaves the program alive for now. Texas will no doubt appeal to the 5th Cir.

Decision: storage.courtlistener.com/recap/gov.usco…

But before this Court may address the merits of Plaintiffs’ claims, the Constitution requires Plaintiffs to demonstrate that they have standing to bring suit. For the reasons explained below, they have not done so. The Court will first address certain evidentiary issues that have arisen along the way.
Here is the key finding that Judge Tipton made: evidence shows that, after the parole programs went into effect, border crossings by people from the four CHNV countries went down (⬇️).

As he reads 5th Circuit law, since the program was a success, there can't be any injury. In sum, when deciding whether a state has been injured for Article III standing purposes, the Fifth Circuit reviews whether the numbers of aliens, and the associated amount expended because of them, increased relative to those same numbers prior to the implementation of the challenged program. In MPP II, the Fifth Circuit declared that the “most important finding” was whether the agency action “increased the number of aliens released . . . into the United States.”16 20 F.4th at 966 (emphasis added). Here, that “most important finding” results in a different outcome, a decrease. And in contr...
The CHNV parole program represented Biden's big shift to a "carrot and stick" approach.

Mexico lets the US send 30,000 Cubans, Haitians, Nicaraguans, and Venezuelans back across the border each month. In exchange, the US agrees to take 30,000 people a month through parole. Image
Read 10 tweets
Mar 4
SB4 even goes beyond federal immigration law by allowing the state to prosecute people with green cards if the person was previously been deported and then allowed to reenter legally by the federal government—prob because the people who wrote the law didn't know that was a thing.
Under SB4, any noncitizen who has previously been deported commits a Class A misdemeanor by stepping into Texas—even if they have since legally reentered and obtained permanent legal status. There are no affirmative defenses of lawful presence for the reentry crime. Sec. 51.03.  ILLEGAL REENTRY BY CERTAIN ALIENS. (a) A person who is an alien commits an offense if the person enters, attempts to enter, or is at any time found in this state after the person: (1)  has been denied admission to or excluded, deported, or removed from the United States; or (2)  has departed from the United States while an order of exclusion, deportation, or removal is outstanding.
I wouldn't be surprised if there are thousands of people living in Texas with green cards or other forms of legal immigration status who, at one point in their life, had been deported. If SB4 goes into effect, every one of them risks arrest.
Read 4 tweets
Feb 29
🚨 DOJ wins an injunction blocking Texas from putting SB4 into effect and creating its own deportation system.

The Court emphasizes that states "may not exercise immigration enforcement power except as authorized by the federal government."

Order here: aclu.org/wp-content/upl…
Several factors warrant an injunction. First, the Supremacy Clause and Supreme Court precedent affirm that states may not exercise immigration enforcement power except as authorized by the federal government. Second, SB 4 conflicts with key provisions of federal immigration law, to the detriment of the United States’ foreign relations and treaty obligations. Third, surges in immigration do not constitute an “invasion” within the meaning of the Constitution, nor is Texas engaging in war by enforcing SB 4. Finally, to allow Texas to permanently supersede federal directives on the basis of an ...
DOJ and the other plaintiffs (private orgs + El Paso gov) win on pretty much every argument.

First, the court finds that SB4 violates the Supremacy Clause, because "it is undisputed that the federal government has a dominant and supreme interest in the field of immigration." In short, it is undisputed that the federal government has a dominant and supreme interest in the field of immigration. Texas’s own state courts acknowledge “the matter of entry into the United States” is “wholly preempted by federal law,” Hernandez v. State, 613 S.W.2d 287, 290 (Tex. Crim. App. 1980), as are “matters involving deportation.” Gutierrez v. State, 380 S.W.3d 167, 173, 176 (Tex. Crim. App. 2012). By regulating a sphere dominated by federal interests, SB 4 violates the Supremacy Clause.
Next, the court finds that SB4's creation of new state crimes of illegal entry and reentry are field preempted, noting that the law "attempt[s] to vest a state with the power to punish federal immigration offenses," which is barred under Arizona v. US (2012). For that reason, “[w]here Congress occupies an entire field, as it has in the field of [noncitizen] registration, complementary state regulation is impermissible.” Id. at 401. “Field preemption reflects a congressional decision to foreclose any state regulation in the area, even if it is parallel to federal standards. In sum, Sections 51.02 and 51.03 of SB 4 cannot be differentiated from Section 3 of SB 1070. Tex. Penal Code § 51.02–51.03. Both laws attempt to vest a state with the power to punish federal immigration offenses. But the “basic premise of field preemption,” reaffirmed in Arizo...
Read 17 tweets
Feb 26
Just going to point out as always that this is a shameless lie. Biden inherited a complete mess at the border. Border encounters in December 2020 were the highest level for a December since December 1999 and had been rising for months due to Title 42's impact on repeat crossings. Bit of a Tweet from Stephen Miller lying and saying that Joe Biden "inherited the most secure border in history."
Just 3 days after Biden took office, the governor of Tamaulipas blocked DHS from expelling some families under Title 42, causing thousands of families to resume crossing.

Despite this, Biden kept up Title 42 expulsions for years, eventually expelling people over 2 million times.
As a result of Tamaulipas’ refusal to accept the expulsion of families with young children, when the numbers of families arriving at the border in south Texas began rising in early February the Biden administration was unable to expel the majority under Title 42 and was forced to release thousands of families. Likely as a result, the number of families crossing the border in south Texas rose significantly in spring 2021.  By contrast, Mexican immigration officials in Chihuahua (bordering El Paso) permitted CBP to expel families under Title 42, regardless of the age of their children. This d...
Figure 8: Family Units Apprehended by Border Patrol, by Sector, October 2016 to December 2021. The chart shows in 2021, family unit encounters spike quickly in the Rio Grande Valley sector, but not in El Paso, and slowly rise in Del Rio and Yuma.
The claim that border numbers only rose after Biden won is just false. Apprehensions rose every single month from April 2020 through May 2021.

Apprehensions more the doubled from 30,077 in Feb. 2020 (pre-COVID) to 67,639 in Oct. 2020 (pre-election).

Image
Read 11 tweets
Feb 23
An “expert” from the Heritage Foundation Man asks “what the hell is a Mauritanian.”

Mauritania is a country, Mike. It’s in Africa. You know, that big continent filled with people that scare you for … reasons.

The US was the first nation to recognize its independence in 1960.
Wikipedia: Mauritania, officially the Islamic Republic of Mauritania, is a sovereign country in Northwest Africa. It is bordered by the Atlantic Ocean to the west, Western Sahara to the north and northwest, Algeria to the northeast, Mali to the east and southeast, and Senegal to the southwest. By land area, Mauritania is the 11th-largest country in Africa and the 28th-largest in the world, and 90% of its territory is situated in the Sahara. Most of its population of approximately 4.3 million lives in the temperate south of the country, with roughly one-third concentrated in the capital and ...
Also, a PS to @MHowellTweets: if you want to keep presenting yourself as an expert on immigration law, you should proooobably do some research into the fact that persecution on account of sexual orientation has been a valid grounds for asylum for 30 years!

You know. The basics. Although there is no statutory definition of what suffices as membership in a PSG, it has frequently been described as a group of persons who share a common, immutable characteristic that the members of the group cannot or should not be required to change.4 In 1994, Attorney General Janet Reno declared as precedent the Matter of Toboso-Alfonso case in which a gay Cuban man was found to be eligible for withholding of removal on the basis of his membership in the PSG of homosexuals.5 This case was pivotal in establishing that a well-founded fear of persecution on the basis of one’s sexual ori...
@MHowellTweets Not sure how the extra word “Man” got into that first tweet. Oops.
Read 9 tweets
Feb 23
While we need to take the intent seriously, there are some huge barriers to Miller's wet dream.

First off, the Posse Comitatus Act—a criminal law—bars the use of any Armed Forces for domestic law enforcement. Miller even refers to this, but handwaves it away without explanation.
In the event regular Armed Forces are used to assist in securing the border, a number of legal considerations may arise. For example, the use of the military to enforce immigration ... laws at the border could run afoul of the Posse Comitatus Act, unless an exception applies. The Posse Comitatus Act is a criminal prohibition that provides: Whoever, except in cases and under circumstances expressly authorized by the Constitution or Act of Congress, willfully uses any part of the Army, the Navy, the Marine Corps, the Air Force, or the Space Force as a posse comitatus or otherwise to execute t...
Second, you can't just "grab" undocumented immigrants and shove them on planes. We have a legal process for determining who can be legally deported and who can't be. And that immigration court process can take 4-5 years.

Miller can't just override that.
Third, all of this would cost an ENORMOUS amount of money—money which DHS and DOD likely don't have sitting around.

Going back to criminal laws again, it is a federal crime for a fed employee to spend money that Congress did not authorize them to spend.

Overview This act prohibits federal agencies from obligating or expending federal funds in advance or in excess of an appropriation, and from accepting voluntary services. The Antideficiency Act prohibits federal employees from:  Making or authorizing an expenditure from, or creating or authorizing an obligation under, any appropriation or fund in excess of the amount available in the appropriation or fund unless authorized by law.  Involving the government in any obligation to pay money before funds have been appropriated for that purpose, unless otherwise allowed by law.   ...   Federal e...
Read 8 tweets

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