It is ever important when studying history to not impose onto the past modern perceptions regarding stages of life. For example, scholars regularly underline Alfred the Great's youth when discussing his accession to the throne at the age of 22, but this is very easily overstated.
Military training began for Anglo-Saxon aristocrats at the age of seven or eight. It could be conducted at home, but it seems more often a boy would leave his parents to go live with a group of peers while under the supervision of a tutor, usually a maternal uncle or grandfather.
There were certainly parallels between these boys and their modern equivalents such as both by their natures challenging one another to physical competitions like foot races, wrestling matches and on. However, where for modern boys this is merely play for Anglo-Saxons it was not.
Likewise, where boys of all eras seem to have an innate ability to look at a simple stick and see in it a mighty sword the duels which follow for modern boys are for play whereas for Anglo-Saxons they were structured with tutors drilling young warriors-in-training in proper form.
Here similarities end for Anglo-Saxon boys were also subjected to various kinds of hardships in order to prepare them for what they would encounter as adults while on campaign. These ranged from exposure to the elements, extreme heat and cold, to starvation and sleep deprivation.
That no hardship was borne in vain or injury senselessly suffered was constantly reinforced from a very early age through the reciting of heroic poetry which provided meaning to a boy's experience and revealed the end goal of his training as being transformed himself into a hero.
Stephen Pollington argued that boys as young as nine, though still in training, could sometimes be expected to join their kinfolk in battle as skirmishers, and under King Æthelstan's law (II Æthelstan) a boy younger than 12 could be punished for crimes, namely theft, as an adult.
It was more regularly around the age of 14 that a youth progressed from the first stage of training and was now expected to prove his worth. This usually entailed singlehandedly slaying a wild beast such as a wolf, a boar or, in the case of Hereward the Outlaw and others, a bear.
Once proven, youths were expected to take a full and active role in military life. St. Guthlac, for example, before he turned himself to the service of God had by the age of 15 waged war at the head of a band of fellow youths; slaughtering, pillaging and razing enemy settlements.
In this way young warriors carried on for the remainder of their lives so that, to circle back, by the age of 22 they were anything but inexperienced youths which is a descriptor that we in the modern world would quite readily ascribe to anyone should they at that age take power.
In providing a brief overview of a warrior's training I aim not so much to say this was how precisely Alfred was brought up, but more simply to show that 22 in Old England was not what 22 is today and one must never lose sight of this when trying to assess history as it happened.
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The sword is the most iconic of weapons, so having received the lion's share of attention in studies of medieval arms. For that reason we shall in this thread sheathe ours and talk instead of the spear in Anglo-Saxon England, giving an overview of both its various forms and uses.
From the earliest times, as Todd noted in The Early Germans, the spear dominated the kit of Germanic warriors, over and above that of other peoples for how common a weapon it is, such to where, as once my friend @wylfcen suggested, we might invent for them the ethnonym "Gārmenn".
Among the Anglo-Saxons the spear's precedence was maintained for the duration of their given period, during which it was called by a number of names. Most common were "gār" and "spere", from which we derive our word "spear", but a great many other terms were used less frequently.
One deeply ahistorical aspect of most films and shows set during the Middle Ages is their extreme sanitization of combat which reduces it to child's play and thus fails to approximate anywhere near reality. To illustrate this we will here take an example from early medieval Kent.
The particular skeleton we are looking at comes from the Anglo-Saxon cemetery at Eccles. Labelled by Manchester as "P171" and by Wenham as "II", this was a male who at the time of death was aged between 20-25 years old. His manner of death has confidently been ascribed to combat.
Kent, as we will here call him, suffered 30 perimortem injuries to his skeleton, the timing of these known by there being no signs of healing in any of his bones. The above number does not include however many other injuries he sustained which did not come into contact with bone.
Although the Anglo-Saxons most often fought on middan felda the assumption that they only fought field battles is incorrect for siege warfare of two kinds, "heroic" and "traditional", was also practiced.
In this thread we will give a brief overview of the former, "heroic" sieges.
While sieges of both types for long occurred concurrently we may yet, if only in broad terms, say that after the advent of the Viking Age traditional sieges, which better conform to modern conceptions of siege warfare, were the more common whereas before AD ~800 heroic ones were.
One main difference came in the size of armies. In a traditional siege one needed to raise a force larger than would normally be required for field operations in order to properly besiege a stronghold. However, in heroic sieges armies tended to be smaller than their fielded norm.
The St. Brice's Day massacre of 13 November 1002 during which King Æthelred ordered "a most just extermination" of those Danes living in England is one of the widest known yet most misunderstood events in English history. One key of import is to be found in the Gospel of Matthew.
In chapter 13, verses 24-30 St Matthew relays Christ's parable of the tares/weeds. At the heart of this parable lies the problem of evil for the tares represent sin which is allowed to be sown by the devil amongst either a people or a person on account of a lapse in watchfulness.
It is this which King Æthelred referred to in a charter from 1004 wherein he likened the Danes to tares which had sprouted up amongst his English wheat. This, then, paints the Danes as chiefly a moral, rather than political, threat and so places the massacre in a greater context.
From man's earliest days warriors have undertaken missions which lay beyond the bounds of regular warfare, setting broad precedents for the special operations of modern militaries.
In this thread we will discuss one such mission executed by the Anglo-Saxons, a raid into Normandy.
In the 980s, after a long lull in hostilities, the Vikings once again descended upon England's shores. Meanwhile across the Channel, the Duke of Normandy granted those raiders terrorizing England the use and shelter of local ports, also permitting them to sell their stolen goods.
As tensions rose between the Duke and England's king Æthelred news of their quarrel spread, eventually reaching Pope John XV. He intervened to reconcile the two, having them sign the Treaty of Rouen in 991 which strictly prohibited either ruler from harboring the other's enemies.