Cannon is indulging DJT’s batshittery about the Presidential Records Act (PRA) and might deliver a jury charge predicated on that error. At that point the jury will have been sworn, jeopardy will have attached, and it will be too late to correct the error.
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Smith has asked her to declare her intention re the PRA *now* so that he can challenge the underlying batshittery before the ability to challenge is spoiled by the attachment of jeopardy.
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Let’s say that Cannon does what Smith wants and adopts an instruction early. *At that point* Smith can clearly try to move the case to the appeals court. But to do so requires what is called a writ of mandamus, rather than an appeal.
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The basic difference is that the mandamus issues only on a giant fuck up – or, in more legal phrasing, a clear violation of a ministerial duty. If the Court does adopt the instruction early, I suspect Smith will win the mandamus because DJT's position is just that dumb.
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But I don’t think Cannon is going to adopt the instruction early. And if she doesn’t adopt the instruction early, there is no order to challenge with mandamus.
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People are instead talking about using mandamus not only to challenge error in an early-adopted instruction, but to force her to adopt something early.
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I’m not an expert on instructional practice, but that sounds crazy to me. More relevant, I looked at the cases Jack Smith cites in the brief, and none of them say that. I.e., none say that a judge has to declare her instructions early enough such that she can be mandamused.
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So – yes, Cannon *should* tell the parties what instruction she plans to use because it would preserve the rights of the losing party to protect its rights on appeal. But what on earth gives folks the impression that she’ll do that?
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And if she doesn’t do it because she thinks she should, people are vastly overestimating the possibility of appellate correction.
/e
@ufmasters It seems like you're just not tracking the issue TBH. Maybe a little premature to be a jerk.
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I just have one observation abt the idea that the ABC mods were overcorrecting Trump. Trump systematically exploits a glitch in the American political system, in that it can't compensate for the effect of his lying - both the extremity of individual lies & their frequency.
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I agree that it's a bad "look" for mods to be correcting a candidate that much, but I'm not sure how else you address the glitch. After-the-fact correction under-informs the public, and the provision of information is supposed to be what these debates are about.
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If you want to contest the premise - and say that Trump's lies aren't different in magnitude or far more frequent than those of any other candidate - I'm not sure we really have anything productive to say to eachother.
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There can be some debate about whether this is an appeal of an order denying leave to file the second removal notice in the DCT or appeal of an order denying removal on the merits.
Because I intend this thread for layfolks, I'm going to collapse the two a bit, and for [reasons] I don't think the characterization matters much on appeal.
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The removal argument - the idea that T can move this case to federal court before sentencing - is based on the SCOTUS presidential immunity ("PI") decision, and T says it's a new development that should permit a second round of removal litigation.
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In this case, DOJ withdrew certain factual allegations (mainly Trump's communications with DOJ officials between the election and 1/6), and made cosmetic changes to other language. Most of this is in response to the SCOTUS immunity decision.
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Some of the changes are tweaks to accommodate another recently decided Supreme Court case, Fischer v. United States, which construed one of the statutes at issue a little bit more narrowly than it was construed when the initial indictment came down.
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The DNC tried to point to some other statute on the books that gave a different deadline, ignoring that this law expressly displaces that other law in the first sentence of the provision.
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Then the DNC tried to say that OH has a 90-day mandatory sunrise period (in article II). That means that the constitutional provision saying a signed bill doesn't become a law until 90 days after OH gov signed it wouldn't be operative on 9/1.
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BOMBSHELL NPR STORY ON TEXAS LETHAL INJECTION PRACTICES
According to the story, Texas used its lethal injection secrecy laws to hide the fact that it's been using dangerous, expired drugs purchased from a dubious compounding pharmacy.
Texas has been buying the compounded drugs from a ‘pill mill’ pharmacy chain that was selling opioids to addicts and dealers and is implicated in at least one fentanyl overdose death.
NO, FOR FUCK'S SAKE, THE NEW YORK CONVICTION'S NOT GETTING VACATED FOR PRESIDENTIAL IMMUNITY
(Unless SCOTUS gets involved.)
Merchan deferred the date and permitted briefing b/c he's a good judge and to deny argument on the issue would jeopardize the verdict more.
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T's basic argument is insipid. He wrote some checks to repay Cohen after he was President and then tweeted horrifically incriminating evidence that he understood the whole scheme.
Trump is pointing to a part of the Court's opinion saying that immunized presidential conduct can't be used as evidence for prosecution of private conduct. There are so many silly parts to this argument it's hard to know where to begin.
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