Lee Kovarsky Profile picture
Apr 9 13 tweets 3 min read Read on X
THOUGHTS ON SPECIAL COUNSEL'S SCOTUS BRIEF ON IMMUNITY:

SHORT VERSION: PAY ATTENTION TO WHAT HAPPENS ON REMAND.

(1) SCOTUS is very unlikely to recognize official acts immunity, always has been, & the state of the case after principal briefing is unchanged in that respect.

1/
(2) It is possible (and IMHO desirable) for SCOTUS to declare a lower-grade immunity for conduct that necessary to a function that the constitution assigns to the president ("skinny immunity").

2/
(3) It is virtually unthinkable that DJT could satisfy a skinny immunity standard, and there's really only one act charged in the indictment (abuse of DOJ/Clark) that might constitute an official act under even the broader standard.

3/
So the principal outcome set looks like this: (1) no presidential immunity; (2) official-acts immunity; (3) skinny immunity.

The question is, what would happen in each scenario.

4/
In scenario (1), the case goes back down for trial. Scenarios (2) and (3) are a little harder to pin down.

Scenario (2) would generate a question about whether official acts immunity would bar trial. That question dovetails with SCOTUS adjudication of another pending case.

5/
Specifically, Fissher v. United States is pending before SCOTUS and it could affect the viability of charges under 18 USC 1512. That's two of the four counts. I'm skeptical that what happens with Fischer is particularly likely to affect the Trump prosecution, but

6/
even if it did, there are still two counts left. And there is conduct satisfying each of those counts even if you subtract out the "official acts" and leave only "private acts." So I'm not sure how even a big win for DJT on the official-acts standard actually spoils a trial.

7/
Of course, the application of an official-acts standard may require additional trial proceedings that could produce additional delay, and such delay is in and of itself a victory for Trump, who seeks to push the trial past the election.

8/
My scenario (3) is skinny immunity, and I don't think the one piece of conduct that might satisfy official-acts immunity even plausibly satisfies a thinner immunity. If the Court goes with (3), DJT might try to delay in the trial court, but his arguments will be frivolous.

9/
Trump's SCOTUS brief raises a separate argument that the criminal statutes at issue don't criminalize presidential conduct - so you don't even need to reach the immunity issue. I would be SHOCKED if SCOTUS indulged this argument;

10/
It's outside the Questions Presented, it's not preserved, and (unlike immunity) the scope of the statute is not properly appealed in an interlocutory posture.

11/
So where do I land? I continue to think it extremely unlikely that the Court bars Trump's prosecution. The plausible outcomes are the (1) and the (3) - either that there's no presidential immunity from criminal prosecution or that there's a skinny immunity.

12/
And we can be reasonably certain that Trump's not going to be able to satisfy a skinny immunity. But it's not out of the question that, if the Court announces a skinny immunity, the application of that immunity to Trump's case entails delay that is going to piss folks off.

/e

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More from @lee_kovarsky

Apr 10
There's this whole parcel of Presidential Immunity discourse where MAGA pretends that the only thing standing between it and weaponizing DOJ against democratic presidents is a SCOTUS declaration that POTUS has "official acts" immunity rather than some other kind of immunity.

1/
Like know-nothing demagogues doing "reap/sow" memes and shit, like anybody looks at that movement and thinks that the precise contours of presidential immunity has any downstream effect on efforts to weaponize prosecutors.

2/
What they really want isn't "official acts" immunity, since that won't stop the Trump prosecutions - not one of them. They don't even want "absolute immunity," as that term is used. They want immunity for all acts by Trump, public and private, before and after his presidency.

3/
Read 5 tweets
Apr 5
HERE'S TRUMP'S PRESIDENTIAL RECORDS ARGUMENT, NUTSHELLED:

Imagine a marble bust of Abe Lincoln sits in the white house and the statute says it can only be moved around by "authorized" personnel, with authorization defined by Executive Order.

1/
Trump, who is not authorized by the Order, takes Abes' bust to Mar-a-Lago, later declares that the very act of taking it had the effect of a personal-record classification, and that right to declare records to be personal means that he was "authorized" to move it.

2/
To be clear, this is literally the stupid fucking PRA argument that Cannon refuses to take off the table - in fact she's signaling that she'll permit an acquittal on it in a posture that won't allow review of her obvious error.

/e
Read 4 tweets
Apr 4
I know folks wantto wish mandamus into existence, but a mandamus petition under 28 USC 1651 is literally organized like this:

- Introduction

I. THE TRIAL COURT VIOLATED CLEAR LEGAL DUTY TO DO [X]

II. There is no adequate remedy at law.

III. The equities favor relief.

1/
I have been asking for 24 hours and nobody has produced anything remotely on the order of what's necessary for (I). Specifically, Cannon has no legal duty, let alone a clear one, to specify her jury instructions before trial.

2/
"She's telegraphing an intent to issue an erroneous jury instruction so forcer her to declare that intent now so I can appeal it before jeopardy attaches" is not a real mandamus argument.

3/
Read 5 tweets
Apr 4
MOAR EXPLAINING RE: CANNON -

People are suggesting that Smith can mandamus Cannon's refusal to declare the PRA instruction - meaning ask the appeals court (CA11) to require her to do it before jeopardy attaches.

1/
DOJ is just not going to be able to do that, and I wish folks would stop saying that it should. In order to mandamus a judge, it has to be the case that she's failed to do something there is a clear duty to do.

2/
There just isn't a clear duty to specify the jury charge before a jury is sworn in a criminal trial. I can't find one case even suggesting that. That is, you can't mandamus her to specify the PRA instruction, and you can't appeal because there's no order to appeal.

3/
Read 10 tweets
Apr 3
APPELLATE RELIEF IN DOCS CASE

Folks are being a little overly optimistic about Jack Smith’s filing. IMHO there are two things driving that:

(1) A failure to distinguish between a mandamus petition and an ordinary appeal.
(2) Confusion about what could be mandamused.

1/
Cannon is indulging DJT’s batshittery about the Presidential Records Act (PRA) and might deliver a jury charge predicated on that error. At that point the jury will have been sworn, jeopardy will have attached, and it will be too late to correct the error.

2/
Smith has asked her to declare her intention re the PRA *now* so that he can challenge the underlying batshittery before the ability to challenge is spoiled by the attachment of jeopardy.

3/
Read 11 tweets
Mar 1
PRESIDENTIAL IMMUNITY EXPLAINER – TRUMP

1. SCOTUS just agreed to hear whether Trump has “presidential immunity” (PI) for his attempt to fraudulently subvert the 2020 election and stay in power.

1/
2. In this context, PI refers to an immunity from criminal prosecution, unique to the president, for in-term conduct.

3. SCOTUS has never recognized any such immunity, so we don’t know what the scope would be if it did exist.

2/
4. There is PI in CIVIL cases – where private plaintiffs seek damages against ex presidents – but a foundational premise of the civil case standard is that it is too broad for criminal cases. (The case here is Nixon v. Fitzgerald.)

3/
Read 16 tweets

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