Sarah Elaine Harrison Profile picture
Apr 21 18 tweets 4 min read Read on X
It might be helpful to walk through some issues related to reports that the USG is finally applying the Leahy laws to Israel--even though reports say it is just one unit.

BLUF: It is symbolically *significant*, but its impact will do *very little* to stem harm to Palestinians🧵
For starters, there are two Leahy laws, one for State and one for DoD. They prohibit US assistance (under the FAA & AECA & w/use of DoD $) to a unit of a foreign security force if SecState or SecDef have credible information the unit committed a gross violation of human rights.
The laws only apply to state security forces and only apply to "gross violations of human rights": extrajudicial killings, rape, torture (the specific definition can be found in 502B(d)(1) of the Foreign Assistance Act).
To my knowledge and based on publicly available information, neither of these laws have ever been objectively applied to units of Israeli security forces.
Last week, @BrettMmurphy reported that Blinken has been sitting for months on recommendations from officials in his department to cut assistance under the Leahy laws to "multiple units":

propublica.org/article/israel…
But new reporting suggests Blinken only agrees that one unit should be prohibited from receiving US assistance: the Netzach Yehuda battalion. @MairavZ and I briefly discussed this unit when we published this article on Shireen Abu Akleh's killing:

justsecurity.org/84471/shireen-…
So Q #1: Why did SecState only approve this one unit--a notoriously violent unit--and not the others, if, as reported, multiple units were recommended by his staff to be prohibited from receiving assistance under the State Leahy law?
Was this a way to appease critics--who say State isn't applying the law to Israel--by applying the law to a unit that is low-hanging fruit (the battalion's actions led to the death of a US citizen) while quietly finding reasons to not prohibit assistance to the other units?
I don't know the answer, but we should be asking why Secretary Blinken didn't agree with cutting assistance to the other units *if* that was what State Department officials recommended.
Q #2: How do we know US assistance will be restricted? We know that Gantz and Netanyahu have both come out strongly against the reports that there is a Leahy law designation (incorrectly reported as a "sanction"). So how will cutting assistance work?
Due to the nature of "untraceable assistance" (assistance provided up-front to countries that then later disperse it to non-vetted units) Congress required State to enter into agreements with certain countries in which they commit to comply with potential Leahy law prohibitions.
The US has one of these agreements in place with Israel, signed on December 30, 2021, in which Israel agrees it "shall not provide any assistance...to any security force unit...identified...consistent with Section 620M" of the FAA (the State Leahy law).
Israeli leadership's public resistance to upholding an agreement with the US calls into question Israel's commitment to restricting assistance wrt the Leahy law. Some might argue such pushback calls into question the credibility of other Israeli assurances to the US.
Q#3: Even if SecState sticks to the designation and US assistance is properly withheld in accordance with the agreement, does this determination really have any impact?
It's complicated, though there is def symbolic significance. It contributes to what @MairavZ describes as "de-exceptionalizing Israel." Bc Israel has received special treatment under US laws and policies for decades, this is a small but necessary step towards correcting that.
But the impact on the ground is minimal in that (1) it does not apply to the sale of US arms--Israel can still use its $ to purchase US weapons for the unit & (2) it doesn't do much to address the broader Biden admin policy to not condition assistance to Israel.
As @John_Hudson has been reporting, US arms continue to flow to Israel and US arms have been contributing to significant civilian harm:

washingtonpost.com/national-secur…
A Leahy designation of one unit will not slow the violence in Gaza or the WB. Despite cries from Israeli leaders that this is an outrage, it really isn't. And while the slow shift away from special treatment *is* newsworthy, we shouldn't lose the forest for the trees.

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More from @Seharrison7

Apr 22
To clear up reporting on application of the Leahy laws: They are not "sanctions", not in the legal or policy sense. They are not a punishment. No foreign force is entitled to free stuff from the US and no longer getting free stuff isn't a punishment.

nytimes.com/2024/04/21/wor…
Further, calling Leahy laws "sanctions" leads to misunderstanding in the public bc (1) the public assumes it's part of the broader, traditional US sanctions regime (esp when reporters link to those sanctions) and (2) they assume it is discretionary. The law is not discretionary.
"But why has it not been applied to Israel before?" Well, because the law for too long has followed the politics--but that doesn't make it discretionary. This is why civil society has been arguing for years that the application of the Leahy laws must be free from biases.
Read 4 tweets
Apr 18
Why is this newsworthy? We know the admin is dodging applying the laws and policies on the books related to cutting security assistance to Israel. Well, I advised on the Leahy laws while at DoD, and I think this is newsworthy and requires congressional scrutiny for two reasons:
(1) Based on the reporting, these cases don't seem to have split memos. Which means, from the lowest levels of State, all the way up to Blinken, officials appear to agree these units should be cut from receiving US assistance. To my knowledge, that has never happened for Israel.
and (2) The bureaucracy is still hemming and hawing over 620I and other relevant laws and policies. The fact that there are memos *with the secretary*, cleared by relevant offices, shows SecState himself is refusing to apply the law as advised by his own policymakers and lawyers.
Read 4 tweets
Feb 9
I worked as an attorney in the Office of General Counsel at DoD and advised on US law governing security assistance to foreign countries. Here are my thoughts on NSM-20 and its application in the context of Israel:

whitehouse.gov/briefing-room/…
My bottom line: While a step forward, I worry how this doesn't avoid being lipstick on a pig -- another performative measure stirring up busy-bodied lawyers and policymakers in the bureaucracy, ultimately resulting in business as usual w/r/t arms transfers to Israel
The fundamental and cosmic failing of policy towards Israel is the US's refusal to condition military aid on compliance with intl law--meaning no U.S. weapons if continued illegal settlements, indiscriminate bombing, inhumane treatment of detainees, starvation of civilians, etc.
Read 15 tweets
Feb 22, 2023
In its report on the Nablus raid, @nytimes describes time-stamped footage that appears to show IDF shooting “at least two unarmed Palestinians as they ran away from gunfire.”

nytimes.com/2023/02/22/wor…
This kind of footage can be helpful when U.S. government officials assess whether units of foreign security forces (such as the IDF) remain eligible to receive U.S. security assistance under the Leahy laws.
The Leahy laws prohibit the Departments of State and Defense from providing assistance to a unit of a foreign security force when there is credible information (which can include credible video footage) the unit committed a gross violation of human rights.
Read 9 tweets
Feb 1, 2022
Since there might be a 5th (!) West African #coup developing, below is a thread to help address this question: Why is the U.S. Department of State (State) slow to call a spade a spade/a coup a coup?
It's because of Section 7008, "coups d'etat," a provision in the annual Department of State appropriations act (the law that Congress passes to appropriate funding to State). Some (hopefully) helpful notes on Section 7008:
When there is word of a coup in a country receiving U.S. assistance, State lawyers analyze the facts under Sec. 7008. Sec. 7008 restricts certain foreign assistance to a gov that has been "duly elected" & overthrown by the mil, or the mil played a decisive role in the ousting.
Read 13 tweets

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