If the CJ believes there should be POTUS immunity for core Art. 2 powers like appointments, there's an easy answer to the concerns in his hypo about bribery. It can be analogized to Speech or Debate immunity.
You can't prosecute a Senator for voting on a bill, but you can 1/
Prosecute him for taking a bribe to vote a certain way. With bribery the crime is the agreement to act in exchange for the bribe. So prosecutors can prove the "deal" - but they can't introduce evidence of the Senator actually voting. And that's OK, because 2/
Carrying out the deal is not an element of the crime and is not necessary. Prosecutors don't need to prove it to convict. The crime is the deal itself.
So if POTUS had immunity for core official acts the same would be true. You could prosecute for a bribery agreement w/out 3/
Putting on evidence about the actual appointment, which would be subject to immunity.
So IF the CJ thinks there should be immunity for core Art. 2 official acts, the bribery hypo shouldn't stand in his way. 4/
Of course, that doesn't help explain why the framers, who explicitly included legislative immunity in the Speech or Debate clause, didn't include such immunity for the president.
As a couple of the liberal justices pointed out, that absence seems significant. 5/end
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OK #lawtwitter - your thoughts on keeping a lawyer on the jury? There are two of them on the Trump jury so far.
In my own experience prosecuting in DC, conventional wisdom/trial lawyer folklore was that you didn't want lawyers on your jury. 1/
The concern was that they would think they were smarter than you and second guess your case or presentation. And because they were lawyers, the other jurors might give their opinion undue weight. I usually would strike them.
I only made an exception one time. 2/
In a bribery prosecution where there was an entrapment defense, I kept a young attorney on the jury who had been a law clerk. I figured she would see the defense was BS and could help explain that to the other jurors.
Now that motions to dismiss were denied & the case is moving forward, I'm seeing lots of takes that the critics were wrong & that it clearly is a solid and important case.
As one of those critics, let me explain why I'm still not convinced. 1/
Supporters say the case is not really about hush money, it's about election fraud. Through the scheme, Trump hid critical information from the voters in the wake of the Access Hollywood tape. In a close election, if that info had come out, it could have made the difference. 2/
DA Bragg suggests he also will try to frame the case as about election fraud. Trump deceived the voters to try to steal the election in 2016, just like he tried to steal it in 2020.
I think that framing is fine. My concern is how these charges fit into that framing. 3/
A longish thread on my takeaways from the two days of hearing in Georgia.
BLUF - I'd be very surprised if Judge McAfee ends up disqualifying Willis and her office from continuing with this prosecution. 1/
The only direct evidence of when the romantic relationship began was the testimony of Willis and Wade. The defense witnesses relied on a combination of hearsay, gossip, and their own impressions to suggest the relationship began earlier. 2/
It’s possible W & W dated occasionally prior to 2022 but did not consider themselves in a romantic relationship. If people observed them together or one of them spoke to someone about a date, that could explain impressions by others that the relationship began earlier. 3/
🧵 I think this is the best-case defense argument on the GA DA disqualification:
You could claim that any special prosecutor paid by the hour has an arguable financial motive to extend and expand the case. That alone can’t be enough. 1/
But in a typical case the financial motives of that prosecutor and the DA who hired him/her are opposed, not aligned. The DA would have the opposite incentive, to keep costs down and to ensure the special prosecutor is being efficient. 2/
Here that’s arguably not the case. If the DA hires her boyfriend, or spouse, or business partner, their financial interests are potentially aligned. Here, she can enrich her boyfriend, which is a personal benefit to her whether or not he actually pays for trips, etc. 3/
Thread:
Many people -- including some legal talking heads who should know better -- argued it would have been a miscarriage of justice for Bragg NOT to charge Trump for the hush-money payoff b/c Michael Cohen went to jail for the same crime. Wrong - for several reasons: 1/
FIRST - it's not the same crime. Cohen pleaded guilty to federal campaign law violations. Bragg has no jurisdiction to bring those charges. Bragg reportedly was investigating a charge for falsifying business records under NY law. Different crime, different sovereign. 2/
That business records crime could apply to any kind of case. It's not a campaign finance crime, although in this case it is allegedly related to a federal campaign finance violation. And legally the charge has big problems, as I argued here. 3/ sidebarsblog.com/p/the-legal-is…
Good morning - while waiting for the Jan. 6 hearing to begin, here's a longish thread on why there's no viable criminal case against SCOTUS Justices for allegedly lying during their confirmation hearings about Roe. 1/
The two primary statutes that cover lying to Congress are perjury (18 USC 1621) and false statements (18 USC 1001). The only relevant distinction for this purpose is that perjury requires the witness to be under oath and false statements does not. 2/
Both require a knowing, material false statement. In other words, the witness has to say something that is actually false, has to know that they are lying, and it has to be about something potentially important to the proceeding. 3/