Justice Merchan takes the bench and the attorneys register their appearances.
Now—
The judge finds Trump in contempt for a 10th time.
"Going forward, this court will have to consider a jail sanction."
Merchan:
"The last thing that I want to do is to put you in jail," calling it a last resort.
The judge notes that Trump is a former president and possibly a future one.
Merchan:
"The magnitude of such a decision is not lost on me, but at the end of the day, I have a job to do."
Trump's defiance of the gag order threatens the integrity of the proceedings and constitute "direct attack on the rule of law," he says.
Merchan:
"I cannot allow that to continue."
After that warning, Merchan hands physical copies of his decision to the parties.
Note:
Prosecutors explicitly did not seek Trump's incarceration on this contempt motion, which predated the judge's last warning.
Merchan's ruling from the bench puts an exclamation mark on his previously unspoken and written warning.
"All rise."
The jury is entering.
"The People call Jeffrey McConney."
That's the Trump Org's former controller and Trump's civil fraud trial co-defendant.
As usual during direct examination, McConney describes his background and his job routine — here, at the Trump Organization.
McConney continues to describe the daily operations of the Trump Organization.
Now, questioning turns to approval for paying invoices.
Asked if Allen Weisselberg sometimes approved invoices by email, McConney answers: "Yes."
Prosecutor Matthew Colangelo hands a thumb drive the witness.
McConney identifies it by his "scribble."
They contain emails, notes, reports from the general ledger, and Form 1099s regarding payments, the witness agrees.
The prosecutor leads McConney through the usual, detailed, and exacting questions for authenticating records.
McConney confirms that he communicated to Michael Cohen and Allen Weisselberg through his Trump Organization account and personal Gmail account.
Trump's attorney objects to the admission of certain exhibits in thumb drive — but not all.
The judge admits the evidence with no objections, and he allows the defense to object to the others if prosecutors fail to lay the foundation.
Testimony turns to Michael Cohen.
Asked what Cohen did, McConney replies: "He said he was a lawyer."
The prosecutor asks what Allen Weisselberg said about paying Michael Cohen.
McConney mentions the complaint about his end of year bonus, and there was other money Cohen was "owed."
Analysis: That appears to be a blow in favor of the prosecution — because Trump's defense claimed during opening statements that Cohen's payments were all legal fees.
(I edited the tweet above for clarity.)
McConney makes another self-effacing remark about his "chicken-scratch" handwriting as he identifies his notes.
McConney agrees that his and Allen Weisselberg's notes of Cohen's reimbursements were kept "in a locked drawer" of the witness's office.
The jury sees the notes — jotted on the Essential Consultants LLC account statement for First Republic Bank.
Weisselberg notes begin:
"$180,000," which McConney says include the Stormy reimbursement plus RedFinch. (Other notations confirm RedFinch expense.)
"Grossed up to $360~," which McConney says is for "tax purposes."
ADD: Add'l/Bonus 60~"
The notation adds the sum total to $420,000, the figure representing Cohen's total reimbursement.
Prosecutors say that was paid in monthly increments of $35,000, masked by 34 falsified business records.
A separate document on **Trump Organization letterhead** further breaks down this arithmetic.
Analysis: During opening statements, the prosecution promised the jury that they would see these notes.
For "The Wire" enthusiasts, some legal commentators have described this as the Stringer Bell rule in action. (Google it.)
ICYMI, the "RedFinch" expense refers to the tech firm that Michael Cohen reportedly hired to rig online polls in Trump's favor in early 2015, before the former president announced his candidacy.
Michael Cohen wished Allen Weisselberg a happy Thanksgiving on the November invoice, per another email.
Michael Cohen sends Allen Weisselberg another happy holiday (apparently in advance), on Dec. 1, 2017, in an email for the final invoice.
Asked whether the emailed invoices were consistent with the $35,000 monthly payments to Michael Cohen, totaling $420,000, McConney agrees that they were.
McConney agrees they satisfied Cohen's reimbursements.
Morning recess.
We're back:
"Witness entering," the court officer says, as McConney takes the stand once again.
Now, we're moving onto the ledger entries.
Per the hallway press pool over the morning recess, Trump didn't take the bait after Justice Merchan's threat of incarceration:
"Trump walked into the courtroom at about 11:35 a.m. and did not respond when a pooler shouted: 'Mr. Trump, what do you think of jury?'"
The jury is viewing the ledger entries for the Donald J. Trump - Revocable Trust Account.
McConney points out the code for legal expenses.
McConney says that there were no legal expenses to Cohen logged in the account for 2018.
(Prosecutors say all the reimbursements were paid, and completed, the year before in 2017.)
More hallway press pool notes show more of Trump avoiding tripwires offered for him to step on, following contempt finding No. 10.
Reminder:
Trump's attorney Todd Blanche previously said that his client can't simply give no-comments to press inquiries like this, but the former president confirms once again that he can.
Back to the trial.
McConney is asked about form 1099, the tax forms for payments made to individuals or businesses who aren't one's employer.
Cohen's form 1099 is now in evidence.
Reminder:
In order to elevate the falsifying business records charges to felonies, the DA must show Trump's intent in those records to commit a separate crime.
Prosecutors have permission to argue three statutes: federal election law; state election law; and tax fraud.
McConney confirms Donald Trump's signature on a May 15, 2018, conflict of interest form for the Office of Government Ethics (OGE).
A notation of that 2018 OGE form explicitly mentions Cohen's "reimbursement" for unspecified "expenses."
Trump's attorney Emil Bove began his cross with a series of questions suggesting the records were legal expenses — but the witness's answer gives him something of a false start.
Q: In 2017, Michael Cohen was a lawyer, correct?
A: OK. Sure. (Laughter)
Another question noted Cohen's signature line identifying himself as Trump's personal attorney.
McConney agreed that the line didn't say "fixer."
Asked if there was a real risk about adverse publicity, McConney replied he wasn't a marketing person.
The defense attorney notes that the Trump Org had employees handle publicity, and bad press about Trump could threaten business. McConney agrees.
Bove shows McConney his own notes of the system of Cohen's reimbursements on Trump Organization letterhead.
McConney agrees that he was just writing what Weisselberg explained to him.
Asked whether he knew what Weisselberg meant by "[g]rossed up" payments to Cohen, McConney answers no.
He says he also doesn't know what RedFinch is.
(Context: It's reportedly the IT firm that rigged online polls for Trump in early 2015.)
Bove seeks to mitigate the blow of McConney's testimony that he kept the notes of Cohen's reimbursement system in a locked drawer.
Q: Isn't it a fact that most of the drawers in your office were locked?
A: Yes.
McConney agrees with the attorney's argument that this was because payroll records contained sensitive information.
The defense turns to the 1099 forms, from Trump and his trust, noting the vendor name on both is "Michael D. Cohen, Esq."
Bove's questions circle around his argument that these are, in fact, for legal fees.
Asked to confirm he did not know what Cohen did with his taxes, McConney says he doesn't.
Bove end on the OGE filing footnotes.
"Mr. Cohen sought reimbursement of those expenses and Mr. Trump fully reimbursed Mr. Cohen in 2017. The category of value would be $100,001 - $250,000 and the interest rate would be zero."
He notes the OGE accepted the notation.
Redirect:
The prosecutor notes right off the bat that expenses aren't typically disclosed to the IRS. McConney agrees.
The prosecutor asked McConney if Weisselberg kept him "in the dark" on certain things.
Objection.
Overruled.
"Yes," McConney answers.
Q: This was all happening above your head?
A: Yes.
Q: You were told to do something and you did it?
A: Yes.
"No further questions."
Lunch recess.
Connecting the morning and afternoon session threads here.
Lineberger's case was filed in the Southern District of Florida's Fort Pierce division, virtually guaranteeing a favorable judicial assignment for Trump DOJ.
Instead of Cannon, the case goes to newly minted Judge Ed Artau, who has this tangled history. politico.com/news/2025/06/2…
Trump DOJ opposes the release of SPLC grand jury transcripts, but what the memo *doesn't* say speaks volumes. Feds don't dispute the SPLC's account of the Trump admin's "gross misrepresentations" about the informant program.
Instead, the US Attorney says that's "not relevant."
Why that matters.🧵
The SPLC's motion seeking the grand jury records rattled off a series of "false statements" by Trump and his surrogates about Charlottesville and the informants program.
By the DOJ's own account, the SPLC's informant program was cheap and effective.
For a fraction of a *percentage* of their annual budget, SPLC penetrated the nation's worst hate groups and published their secrets with info from their turncoats.
The DOJ's case assumes donors felt defrauded by this. buff.ly/cwTnYg6
The Trump DOJ alleges that the SPLC spent about $3 million on informants over the course of a *decade.*
Check out of the SPLC's revenue and expenditures from 2024, the last fiscal year records were public. That's a typical year, and it's a drop in the bucket. projects.propublica.org/nonprofits/org…
In return, SPLC infiltrated the KKK, the neo-Nazis, and other extremist groups, and they shared their secrets with federal law enforcement until Kash Patel put an end to that last October.
Two Trump appointees on the D.C. Circuit panel blocked Boasberg from even INVESTIGATING contempt of court related to the March 2025 flights to El Salvador.
The dissent: "Without the contempt power, the rule of law is an illusion, a theory that stands upon shifting sands."
This is the second time Judges Rao and Walker granted a writ of mandamus, an "extraordinary" rebuke of a lower court judge.
But Walker went out of the way to praise Boasberg, saying he was in a tough spot even as Walker overruled him.
The nuance here will be important to note in light of the Trump DOJ's campaign to vilify Boasberg, whose D.C. Circuit peers largely stood up for him even when his rulings didn't hold.