Today, UC Santa Cruz, “UC’s most striking campus,” is the first to “stand up” in UAW 4811’s ULP strike. We walk out knowing the heat is concentrated on us, expecting admin to be more aggressive than in 2022, while also knowing there is a tidal wave of support behind us.
Friday’s announcement, that UCSC would walk out first and alone, has spurred much deliberation around the state and among those following at a distance. These necessary debates will give rise to growing strategic clarity among UC workers.
Crucial questions concerning rank and file leadership, direction, and organization exist here, too, and need to be confronted head-on. Indeed, there are clear echoes of the early stages of the stand up strategy in auto.
But in other ways, the higher ed stand up strike is vastly different. We ought to learn from auto and parse out the differences that set it apart from our struggle. Firstly, why Santa Cruz?
We can’t speak for the situation elsewhere, but here there was intensive department and campus level deliberation about taking labor action already underway on our campus in the week before the SAV announcement.
This undoubtedly gave us a head start in building up dept-level strike commitments.
Even before the loathsome actions by the UCLA administration, dozens of departments had met to discuss how we, as organized academic workers, might respond to the encampment movement and the call from the PGFTU. workersinpalestine.org/news/strike-fo…
We walked off the job on May 1 in solidarity with that call and had plans to determine next steps.
This followed months of self-organization in several STEM departments, where workers have been tracing DoD funding and organizing refusals. labornotes.org/blogs/2024/05/…
It is clear, for one, that this influenced the Joint Council’s demand for transitional funding for researchers who wish to opt out of war.
Further back, UCSC weathered the six weeks of the 2022 strike with tremendous resolve, and was ready for more: 80% of workers here voted to continue the fight rather than ratify. We’ve since resisted UC’s attempted clawbacks, misclassifications, and the imposition of timesheets.
Timesheets are set to be a major flashpoint in the current struggle, as UC seeks to identify and punish strikers more effectively than last time.
All academic unions at Santa Cruz have opposed the timesheets, sending a unified letter to campus admin about the current attempt to use them and other “attendance tracking” measures for strikebreaking.
Where are we today? Apprehension also defined the lead up to the strike in auto last year, and the momentum built early on in the strike was hard won.
Rank and file workers, ever cognizant of the conditions of possibility in their plants, acted collectively to strengthen the strike, even before being called to “stand up.”
Our union siblings in auto show us what is possible, and academic workers will take advantage of openings that exist on their campuses. This may range from picketing construction and delivery sites to slowing down or altering their own work obligations.
Direct action elsewhere can only bolster the force of the UCSC strike during these first days, when full-blown intimidation and repression from the UC is more than likely.
But as our campus prepares to lock in for the long haul, we face up to UC’s entire repressive force.
It should be stated clearly: the great merit of the stand up strategy is the ability to immediately fire back. If the UC takes a swing at us, other campuses need to be called to stand up at once.
The strike beginning today at UCSC, the first of its kind in the current wave of struggle for Palestine, is the first large-scale backlash UC will face for the violence it unleashed on the UCLA encampment. They weren’t dissuaded from repeating the dose at UCSD or Irvine.
One may assume that the administrative class at other major university systems, and perhaps higher offices than that, are consulting on how to break this strike, fearful of the precedent it sets.
No one should underestimate how jealously they will defend their prerogative to discipline protests as they see fit, and moreover invest the endowment wherever they want. Our strike is a direct assault on both.
Much is unprecedented about what begins today. A strike in solidarity with Palestinian liberation, and with those fighting for it here in the US, was scarcely imaginable a month ago. The stand up strategy is new in our sector, and will require adjustments.
We stand up at UC Santa Cruz, eagerly awaiting our comrades around the state. We know that workers across the state take their own initiative. When we fight, we win. Amnesty for all protesters. Divestment and disclosure now. Transitional funding for researchers.
• • •
Missing some Tweet in this thread? You can try to
force a refresh
A message from workers at the University of California striking in support of Palestine and in defense of the right to protest for Palestine. Our translation below 🧵
Thousands of graduate and academic workers at the University of California voted to strike their work in defense of the right to protest in support of the people of Gaza and Palestine.
The strike began on Monday, May 20, 2024, at UC Santa Cruz, one of ten campuses in the UC system. The strike vote came after police and Zionist groups attacked pro-Palestinian protests and encampments at campuses in Los Angeles and San Diego.
As we ready ourselves for day four of our strike at UCSC—eagerly anticipating news that workers elsewhere will soon join us—it is worth considering admin’s response so far, both here in Santa Cruz and at the Office of the President (UCOP). 🧵
Our first-ever spring quarter strike takes place among wildflowers and lush grasses at our customary picket at the base of campus. And so far, the springtime allergens have given us more trouble than UC’s grotesque police force.
The light police presence has been a surprise. The parking lot adjacent to the picket, once a staging ground for dozens of police cruisers during the 2020 wildcat, is now home to a beautiful student encampment in solidarity with Palestine. payusmoreucsc.com/gallery/#picke…
We should not be surprised to find our boss, now that we have relinquished our most powerful weapon, rolling out an array of retaliation for the strike. The most centralized and immediate is an attestation form, asking us to snitch on ourselves and prepare for pay docking. A 🧵
It is worth noting how absurd it is to find ourselves in this situation — that our union leadership, in its haste to end the strike and cut a deal, would not have anticipated this move as a term in the tentative agreement with UC, while we still wielded substantial power.
It is, of course, impossible to imagine that UC would hold up the end of the strike solely to maintain the right to dock our pay after it. This is a dismal failure of leadership, and basic competence, on behalf of our union’s staff layer. There’s no other interpretation.
After six weeks on strike, we have voted to accept a contract. We write as union organizers from Santa Cruz, where workers on our campus voted No by a massive margin. Here is our perspective on ratification. 🧵
We must celebrate the level and depth of rank and file engagement throughout this contract fight and strike, which has exceeded any mobilization in the history of our union local.
Our contributions have won some significant gains over our previous contract, changed the landscape of our union’s culture, and inspired workers across the country.
Another core demand of our strike is the removal of non-resident supplemental tuition (NRST) for grad workers in the UC. The current TA only codifies existing practice, i.e. it makes no material improvement. What makes this demand so hard to win? What are the stakes here? 🧵
This was a major demand for a large portion of the grad workers. The TA delivers very little on that demand. If intl workers vote in high numbers, they have the potential to be decisive. Will they vote at all? If so, will they base their vote on the NRST provision?
This fall term, a full 33% of doctoral students at UC were “non-resident international,” numbering nearly 10,000 total. This is to say nothing of international master’s students, professional students, or undergrads covered by the contract.
There is a common thread that runs through the current plight of US railroad workers and the largest strike in the history of higher education at the UC, which is the question of who sets the terms of workers’ struggle.
This question is posed in different ways, for instance, in the largest strike in the higher education sector across the UK, with @UCU, and most characteristically, in the astonishing working class struggle waged by @RMT rail workers in that country.
As the house and senate compete in a perpetual race to the bottom, exemplified by the suppression of the will of rail workers in the US, workers must carve out a unified path forward even as previous options are seemingly foreclosed.