After a Manhattan judge delivers his instructions, a jury of Trump's peers will begin a historic process: deliberations to determine whether to convict a former U.S. president of felonies.
As always, I will be reporting live from the courtroom. 🧵
Trump has entered the courtroom, followed by his entourage.
The daily photography session has begun.
Manhattan District Attorney Alvin Bragg, who has appeared only occasionally, is not in the courtroom this morning.
"All rise."
The jury is entering, and some appear more dressed up than usual — ready to work.
Justice Merchan tells them that he will now instruct them on the law.
Merchan notes that none of his rulings should suggest that he has an opinion about this case, and if any of them has that impression, they should disregard it.
"You are the judges of the facts."
Merchan gives the usual analogy for circumstantial evidence.
If jurors fell asleep, and they woke up to find the sidewalk is wet, they may conclude that it rained overnight.
(Another variation of this analogy is jurors seeing someone shaking a wet umbrella inside the court.)
Merchan reiterates that evidence about AMI's non-prosecution agreement can help jurors gauge David Pecker's credibility and learn context, not to determine Trump's guilt or innocence.
So too with the FEC investigation and Cohen's guilty plea for FECA offenses, the judge adds.
Next instruction, summarized:
The WSJ articles can be used only for the fact of their publication and what happened in the aftermath of the printing, but the reported facts inside the articles aren't evidence.
Merchan:
"The burden of proof never shifts from the People to the Defendant."
If the jury finds the People didn't carry that burden, they must acquit, but they must convict if they find prosecutors met it.
He moves on to the concept of proof beyond a reasonable doubt.
Merchan notes that reasonable doubt doesn't require absolute certainty of guilt, but it's not enough to find the defendant is "probably" guilty.
"You should be guided solely by a full and fair evaluation of the evidence."
Merchan instructs jurors on how to evaluate witness credibility — again, with highly typical instructions on how they can use their own judgment on when to disregard testimony in full or in part if they believe a witness has lied.
Merchan defines a "thing of value" under FECA, under federal election law, before moving on to the press exemption for the "normal" and "legitimate press function."
Merchan moves on to another prosecution theory of "unlawful means" under New York election law: falsifying other business records.
These go beyond the indictment's 34 checks, invoices and ledger entries. They include the bank records for the shell companies used in the payoffs.
Merchan instructs that the tax fraud offenses do not require proof of an underpayment of taxes.
What matters, Merchan notes, is the submission of false documents to tax authorities.
Merchan reviews the law of the press exception again.
Merchan informs jurors that their verdict must be unanimous.
After the judge finishes his instruction, the attorneys meet for a sidebar.
Merchan has sent the jurors to begin their deliberations.
When they leave for the deliberations room, the judge praises the alternates for their time and attention but does not excuse them yet.
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Lineberger's case was filed in the Southern District of Florida's Fort Pierce division, virtually guaranteeing a favorable judicial assignment for Trump DOJ.
Instead of Cannon, the case goes to newly minted Judge Ed Artau, who has this tangled history. politico.com/news/2025/06/2…
Trump DOJ opposes the release of SPLC grand jury transcripts, but what the memo *doesn't* say speaks volumes. Feds don't dispute the SPLC's account of the Trump admin's "gross misrepresentations" about the informant program.
Instead, the US Attorney says that's "not relevant."
Why that matters.🧵
The SPLC's motion seeking the grand jury records rattled off a series of "false statements" by Trump and his surrogates about Charlottesville and the informants program.
By the DOJ's own account, the SPLC's informant program was cheap and effective.
For a fraction of a *percentage* of their annual budget, SPLC penetrated the nation's worst hate groups and published their secrets with info from their turncoats.
The DOJ's case assumes donors felt defrauded by this. buff.ly/cwTnYg6
The Trump DOJ alleges that the SPLC spent about $3 million on informants over the course of a *decade.*
Check out of the SPLC's revenue and expenditures from 2024, the last fiscal year records were public. That's a typical year, and it's a drop in the bucket. projects.propublica.org/nonprofits/org…
In return, SPLC infiltrated the KKK, the neo-Nazis, and other extremist groups, and they shared their secrets with federal law enforcement until Kash Patel put an end to that last October.
Two Trump appointees on the D.C. Circuit panel blocked Boasberg from even INVESTIGATING contempt of court related to the March 2025 flights to El Salvador.
The dissent: "Without the contempt power, the rule of law is an illusion, a theory that stands upon shifting sands."
This is the second time Judges Rao and Walker granted a writ of mandamus, an "extraordinary" rebuke of a lower court judge.
But Walker went out of the way to praise Boasberg, saying he was in a tough spot even as Walker overruled him.
The nuance here will be important to note in light of the Trump DOJ's campaign to vilify Boasberg, whose D.C. Circuit peers largely stood up for him even when his rulings didn't hold.