Two professors at @UTAustin, John Hatfield and @DanielBonevac, are suing for the right to penalize their students who miss class because they are obtaining an abortion out-of-state. media.aflegal.org/wp-content/upl…
Hatfield and @DanielBonevac say they "do not intend to accommodate student absences from class to obtain abortions—including illegal abortions and purely elective abortions that are not medically required." They want to penalize any student who misses class for this reason.
@DanielBonevac This case was filed with the federal court in Amarillo, Texas, where the plaintiffs have a 100% chance of drawing Judge Matthew Kacsmaryk, the Trump appointee who attempted to ban mifepristone.
@DanielBonevac Here's the declaration from UT Austin's @DanielBonevac demanding a right to penalize students who miss class for an abortion: s3.documentcloud.org/documents/2470…
@DanielBonevac And here's the near-identical declaration from UT Austin's John Hatfield—who, like Bonevac, also demands the right to discriminate against "transvestites," and refuses to use "they" as a singular pronoun. s3.documentcloud.org/documents/2470…
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The Supreme Court's second decision is Alexander v. SC NAACP. By a 6–3 vote, the majority REVERSES a district court decision that had struck down a South Carolina congressional district as a racial gerrymander. Alito writes; all three liberals dissent. supremecourt.gov/opinions/23pdf…
In a solo concurrence, Clarence Thomas declares his belief that racial gerrymandering claims should be deemed non-justiciable political questions, permanently prohibiting federal courts from scrutinizing allegedly racist redistricting. supremecourt.gov/opinions/23pdf…
In dissent, Justice Kagan writes that Alito has effectively transformed his earlier dissent in Cooper v. Harris into the law now, making it nearly impossible for federal courts to strike down racist gerrymanders. supremecourt.gov/opinions/23pdf…
The Supreme Court's third and FINAL opinion of the day is in the CFPB. In a 7–2 opinion by Justice Thomas, the court UPHOLDS the CFPB's funding structure, concluding that it does NOT violate the appropriations clause.
Today's decision is a HUGE victory for the CFPB and a major defeat not only for the corporate lobby, but for the 5th Circuit, which embraced a theory so radically anti-historical and atextual that JUSTICE THOMAS wrote the opinion emphatically reversing it. supremecourt.gov/opinions/23pdf…
In case Justice Thomas' smackdown for the 5th Circuit weren't enough, Justice Kagan wrote a concurrence—joined by Sotomayor, KAVANAUGH, and BARRETT—explaining why the 5th Circuit's analysis of constitutional history and tradition was completely wrong. supremecourt.gov/opinions/23pdf…
Note that the Florida constitution already provides explicit protections for the "right to privacy." For decades, the Florida Supreme Court held that this guarantee protected access to abortion. The conservative majority just overturned all those precedents.
Sorry, the six-week ban will take effect in one month, not immediately.
The Supreme Court's third and final opinion of the day is in Pulsifer v. U.S. In a 6–3 opinion, Justice Kagan reads the First Step Act's safety-valve provision narrowly, to prevent many defendants from obtaining relief. Gorsuch, Jackson, Sotomayor dissent. supremecourt.gov/opinions/23pdf…
Today's decision in Pulsifer will be a grave disappointment to many, many individuals seeking relief under the First Step Act from harsh mandatory minimum sentences. It shrinks the law's safety valve by reading the word "and" to mean, in effect, "or." Unfortunate in my view.
In his dissent, Gorsuch explains how the majority effectively rewrites this provision of the First Step Act to make relief far more difficult to obtain. It really does require verbal gymnastics to get there. But six justices did. supremecourt.gov/opinions/23pdf…
The five-justice majority's opinion in the Trump ballot removal case has a lot of ambiguous language that leaves many questions unresolved. How you read that language, of course, determines how far you think the majority goes to dismantle the insurrection clause. It's debatable!
I tend to think the three liberals are correct that "the majority attempts to insulate all alleged insurrectionists from future challenges to their holding federal office."
Reading the opinion that way, you easily see how it forecloses any enforcement of the insurrection clause.
But if you want to read the majority opinion more generously—in a way that contradicts what the three liberals claim it says—you certainly can. Such is the nature of ambiguous judicial language.
I agree with @gtconway3d that in some key ways, the opinions just don't line up.
If you double click where it says "JJ." at the top, then copy and paste it, that line reads: SOTOMAYOR , J., concurring in part and dissenting in part.
And if you do a control-F search for "SOTOMAYOR , J., concurring in part and dissenting in part," it highlights that same line.
It looks like the liberals' opinion was originally styled as a partial dissent written by Justice Sotomayor, but got changed to a concurrence in the judgment authored jointly by all three liberals. supremecourt.gov/opinions/23pdf…
I see that the copy-paste approach doesn't work on every computer, but the control-F approach should.