So, check it. If you want to seize an objective, you put the resources you're going to use to take that objective in place before you conduct the attack. This is true at echelon, from a squad sized attack to an invasion of a country.
The fundamental issue you're tackling is one of mass and relative combat power. You want a decided advantage of combat power hurled at whatever the enemy might have between you and the objective. You want to have a LOT MORE than the enemy does.
Many factors can elevate your desire for a LOT MORE to a HECK OF A LOT MORE. Factors such as the exact mission you've been assigned, the size and capabilities of the enemy force, time available, the terrain, and other situational factors will mean you need EVEN MORE STUFF.
An invasion of Taiwan, for example, has this challenging water obstacle known as the Taiwan strait between mainland China and Taiwan. Chinese forces need to cross it. This is a time when they are highly vulnerable to fires from Taiwan. They must assume they will lose many forces.
So if you want to have a force remaining to establish a lodgment, let alone stabilize it and expand it, and then perhaps attack from it further out into Taiwan - you need to account for those losses, as well as forces to conduct all those follow on tasks. Hence, EVEN MORE STUFF!
So, all of those forces and things that need to hurl themselves across what is essentially an aquatic kill zone, need to be staged in a fashion enabling the ready movement of forces at a sustained rate over time.
You have to move them and mass them to places that matter.
And... drum roll... this takes a long time, and its detectable.
You can mitigate this to a degree - but only to a degree. At some point, if you're serious, you will give analysts a high degree of confidence that the invasion is coming.
Let's go back to Russia. Prior to the 2022 invasion, over 100k Russian troops were placed around the border with Ukraine, including enablers and sustainment to keep the attack going. Everyone could see it coming, and many official agencies called it out.
This problem will be more acute with an invasion of Taiwan because of the requirements to set conditions for an amphib assault, and to conduct and sustain an amphib assault, as well as the follow-on invasion. This will be Normandy 2.0, and conditions still favor the defender.
Can you station the invading forces closer to the point of embarkation? Sure. That might mitigate visibility a bit. But you still have to stage and embark the ships, stage sustainment, break open blood banks (kicking off a shelf life), and other costly things that tip your hand.
Not to mention a host of other factors that are conducted to set conditions for success in space, cyber, spectrum domains IVO Taiwan, and actions by CCP elites for self protection (movement of money and families, for example).
So, the lesson for Bridge and others, is that sound strategic analyses cannot be decoupled from a fundamental understanding of the operations - or ways - that carry out those strategies. Those who aspire to be strategists must also study operational fundamentals. Fin.
Post script: Given some of the responses I'm getting that claim the #CCP is unbeatable, reposting my article that discusses the very trap of #China's cognitive fait accompli.
For the consideration of #navalists everywhere, I offer you a scene from “Landstander: The Unauthorized Biography of the first Army commander of INDOPACOM.” 1/
The 2d ed ID's three key characteristics for aviation operations in support of EABO that don’t exist in the 1st edition: persistent distribution of aviation elements across extended distances; ops of distributed aviation elements with minimal sustainment from rear-areas... 2/
... and networking distributed aviation elements with the littoral force command and control architecture. These characteristics inform the 2nd edition’s entire discussion of aviation operations. 3/
"Since 1775, the iconic image of the American Marine has been that of a disciplined, tough rifleman moving forward in battle, often with fixed bayonet."
This is wrong. The image of the American Marine has changed with time. The author should read @Heather_at_ACTS's book:
"The Marine Corps is small, agile, and flexible, priding itself on being the first to fight, anywhere."
I love our Corps, but while this makes for a great slogan it often isn't the first to fight. Operationally, the Marine Corps won't fit every situation. And that's okay.
The nod to the 31st CMC reads like a reminder to a certain critic of FD2030 that it is rooted in a rationale for change that this very critic championed. The references to the articles also remind critics that the CMC has been very transparent and clear regarding his approach: 2/
Yet another reminder of the 'why' - using the PRC as the pacing threat isn't something that was pulled out of a hat, but was directed by the civilian administrations served by the military: 3/
@jimgolby@AzorInfo This is the heart of the issue. Military ops are inseparable from the politics that direct them, making military officers inherently political (though not partisan). Especially at FO/GO levels, military recommendations necessarily inform policy. 1/
@jimgolby@AzorInfo To make good recommendations, you must be politically fluent and understand how your recommendations will impact the political goals of your political leaders. 2/
@jimgolby@AzorInfo But as non-partisan, political operators, FO/GOs owe policy makers the straight dope, not a SWAG at what compromised estimate will best fit the military officer’s presumed strategic outcome. 3/