Ahmed Fouad Alkhatib Profile picture
Jun 21 1 tweets 4 min read Read on X
When I was in Germany, I traveled outside of Berlin to meet some Palestinian friends who were part of the diaspora community in the country. I hung out with several individuals from Gaza or who have family in the Strip and are part of a network of individuals and organizations that are pro-Palestine. I had extremely intense conversations with these folks, some of whom listened and agreed, some of whom strongly disagreed, some of whom were confused by what I was saying, some who agreed but didn’t see a path forward, and some who literally threatened to beat me up if I didn’t stop talking. Here's what I got out of those conversations:

1. Hamas’s resistance narrative is widely accepted and embraced by large segments of the Palestinian diaspora community, particularly those who are less integrated into the nations in which they live, especially if their environment is mainly made up of other Palestinians, aka echo chambers.

2. Intense emotions and feelings dominate the discourse and how people view the war, Israel, Hamas, the conflict, and any discussions of responsibility and a path forward. Trauma, sadness, anger, and feelings of sheer injustice control the way people see what’s happening, October 7, claims and counterclaims, and competing narratives.

3. Opposition to Hamas, and my views and sentiments were instantly associated with treachery, weakness, cowardice, and embracing “Zionist lies and propaganda.” Undeterred, I argued that not only is opposition to Hamas necessary, courageous, critical, and inseparable from opposition to Israeli occupation and injustices, but that we are in this mess partly due to our complicit silence and acquiescence to Hamas’s Islamist propaganda and destructive narratives that harmed the Palestinians more than any Zionist could ever dream of doing.

4. Misinformation about so many incidents and occurrences is rampant. This is particularly the case when it comes to boycotting things like Starbucks, Coke products, McDonald’s, and hundreds of other goods. The list of “forbidden” things is so huge and contains the most ridiculous of items, such as KitKat, hot sauce, and innocuous consumer products, all because they are perceived as directly supporting Israel, the war, or the IDF. When challenged about the accuracy of their information, almost no one wanted to hear about the futility of these boycotts and their nonexistent impact on the war and broader Israel and Palestine discourse.

5. Some were incredibly furious at me for challenging the “martyrdom” narrative, and one person threatened me with physical violence if I didn’t stop maligning martyrdom. Of course, I didn’t back down and proceeded to rationally challenge this idea of Gazans killed in the war after October 7 being martyrs with a ticket straight to heaven and that this is Islamist propaganda and brainwashing that’s getting us nowhere. I said that my family was killed for nothing and that most Gazans who lost their lives would have chosen life over being killed so that Hamas could maintain its corrupt and despicable rule over the coastal enclave.

6. A pro-resistance man surprisingly agreed with me when I told him that Hamas prevented civilians from evacuating Gaza’s north early in the war and didn’t want people to leave, a ruthless decision that caused unnecessary loss of life. This is something that many Western fools refuse to acknowledge: Hamas wanted Gazans to stay put so that they could be used as human shields by the group and frustrate the Israeli military’s operations by causing maximum civilian casualties.

7. Several agreed with me that Hamas is only interested in maintaining power, but in the absence of alternatives, they didn’t see anything wrong with this. When I kept saying that Hamas’s continued rule in Gaza means endless wars and more death & destruction, none seemed to have any meaningful responses beyond some mumbles and incoherent rants.

8. The military occupation of the West Bank and settlement expansion kept coming up over and over. Whenever I pushed on Hamas, taking responsibility, having to accept Israel’s existence & continued existence, embracing and rebranding peace, rejecting violence, what’s happening in the West Bank kept coming up. Folks didn’t see Gaza in isolation, but as part of a broader issue/conflict/problem that can’t be compartmentalized. “If Gaza were peaceful, stable, and developed,” argued one man, “the West Bank will still be occupied,” which, in his mind, necessitates Hamas’s “resistance.”

9. This is my own assessment and inference, but I truly strongly felt that support for Hamas was primarily driven by the lack of alternatives and the binary nature of everything related to the conflict: Fatah VS. Hamas; Israel VS. Palestine; Armed resistance VS. diplomacy and nonviolence; us VS. them; kill VS. be killed; Palestinian narrative VS. Jewish narrative. In other words, there was almost little to no ability to hold multiple truths, approach the issue with nuance and rational balance, and an entrenched belief that one truth must inherently be mutually exclusive and must by default cancel out the other. When engaged, however, some were willing to think differently.

10. There was clearly a high degree of conformity when people were together versus when I engaged individuals one-on-one. In other words, group settings made for largely unproductive and hostile discussions, while individual conversations were much more likely to be productive and change people’s minds and thinking. This is consistent with the universal trend that individuals are smart, groups are dumb; people are afraid to say what they really believe and think in front of others but are much more likely to speak their minds when anonymous, alone, or away from the “community’s ears and eyes” as one gentleman put it.

In summary, my conversations were difficult and quite depressing in some regards. However, these same unpleasant and discouraging conversations actually gave me hope that with respectful, patient, persistent, rational, calm, evidence-based, and analytical/non-emotional engagements and outreach, meaningful seeds can be planted to change hearts and minds and begin the 1000-mile journey towards political transformation and the arduous effort to rebrand peace and coexistence as a necessary evolution to preserve the Palestinian people on their lands and forge a different path forward.

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More from @afalkhatib

Sep 11
In an op-ed for @jdforward, I wrote about the challenges of navigating a heated US election as a Palestinian American in the context of the Gaza war, the actions of the DNC, pro-Palestine solidarity & reconciling my love for the US w/its foreign policies.
forward.com/opinion/651996…
1🧵Over the past 11 months, I have come to believe that an exclusionary and radical set of players has hijacked the Palestinian narrative, particularly in the diaspora. They claim to speak on behalf of the “pro-Palestine” movement and have created a narrow lane for what constitutes “authentic” pro-Palestine advocacy and action.
2🧵When our community is reduced to the stereotype of “intifada” revolutionary types who are against the United States, the Democratic Party, or any solution that legitimizes Israel, we are not seen as worthy of respect, inclusion or a seat at the table.
Read 13 tweets
Jul 3
In November of 2023, I wrote a piece for the Forward titled “Hamas is not as popular in Gaza as it seems. But Israel’s tactics will ensure their survival.” Many were quick to dismiss my assessment and views as naïve and ignorant of Israel’s immense potential and capabilities to achieve the elusive “total victory” that Netanyahu kept promising over and over. I said that renowned names in the field of counterinsurgency, like General David Petraeus and other US and international military commanders, warned about the conduct of the war creating more militants than it removed off the battlefield and how the lack of an articulable plan for what replaces Hamas was going to backfire horribly.

The New York Times just published an article that captures what’s become clear over the past few weeks: the Israeli military’s high command wants a ceasefire and an end to the war in Gaza, even if that leaves Hamas in power. The article alleges that senior IDF commanders are worried about the depletion of munitions, morale, spare parts, and the pool of ready reservists in case a war breaks out in the north with Hezbollah. The gap between Netanyahu and the generals has grown significantly due to the lack of a postwar strategy, which would have prevented the power vacuum created after clearing areas of Hamas’s control. As the IDF withdraws from various parts of Gaza, Hamas is able to reassert its presence, forcing ground troops to re-engage in areas that were vacated mere weeks or months earlier. Most significantly, and as was clear from the beginning, there is a realization that the two goals of the war, the destruction of Hamas and the release of remaining hostages, are mutually incompatible.

Still, Netanyahu is unlikely to commit to an end of the war because that would collapse his fragile governing coalition with hard-right elements who want the war to continue. But after nine months of combat, exhaustion, and no discernable endgame in sight, the military top brass are increasingly skeptical of being used as part of a political strategy in what seems to be an unwinnable war. They also believe that an end to the war in Gaza increases the likelihood of avoiding a destructive war with Hezbollah, particularly at a time when IDF resources are stretched thin. The Lebanese group has repeatedly stated it would cease attacks on Israel if the war in Gaza would end.

The choice is now clear: end the war to release the hostages and allow for preparations for a possible war in the north while maybe creating opportunities for political transformation in Gaza; or continue the war, risk the lives of hostages, continue the carnage and killing of Gazans, and risk triggering a broader war that would be disastrous for Israel, and certainly the entire region. Stopping the war is “the least worst option for Israel,” said former security adviser Eyal Hulata to the NYT.
Israeli Generals, Low on Munitions, Want a Truce in Gaza
nytimes.com/2024/07/02/wor…
Hamas is not as popular in Gaza as it seems. But Israel’s tactics will ensure their survival
forward.com/opinion/571232…
Read 4 tweets
Apr 12
My opinion article for @TheNationalNews: Israel’s war has killed 31 members of my family, yet it’s vital to speak out against Hamas: To realize peace, the pro-Palestine movement must not buy into the militants’ self-serving, nihilistic narrative.
thenationalnews.com/opinion/commen…
1🧵The scale of needless death and destruction in Gaza – along with Israeli military and settler violence in the West Bank, which preceded October 7 – has enraged the global conscience and pro-Palestine advocates and activists, and rightly so.
2🧵The problem, however, is that those energies are not being harnessed constructively, in a way that would promote the best interest of Gazans beyond freeing them from Israeli oppression. Instead of rejecting violence and acknowledging Hamas’s destructive impact on the Palestinian people, some have fueled hateful rhetoric against co-existence with Jews and Israelis, and given new life to the narrative that Hamas champions.
Read 14 tweets
Mar 5
My latest piece with the Forward: The left must stop apologizing for Hamas.

I describe the group's conduct in Gaza, its greed, values & how it is a major obstacle to Palestinian freedom, effective resistance & progress. Please read before commenting 📖

forward.com/opinion/588680…
🧵"Morally, politically and strategically, the group’s actions are horrible enough to warrant organic and self-initiated critique and criticism."
🧵"There exists an equally staunch refusal to denounce Hamas as a seriously violent terror group that not only committed a vile atrocity against Israelis, but has exercised authoritarian violence against Gazans for over 17 years."
Read 10 tweets
Feb 26
My latest piece in @Newsweek: The Origin of Hamas's Human Shields Strategy in Gaza, describing the evolution of a practice started by one of the group's leaders, Nizar Rayan, & its destructive consequences for Gaza's civilian population & infrastructure. newsweek.com/origin-hamass-…
🧵Excerpts: Multiple things are true simultaneously: The Israeli military kills civilians in its pursuit of militants and subsequently attempts to absolve itself of moral and operational responsibility by blaming Hamas's use of Gazans as human shields. And Hamas absolutely disregards the safety and well-being of Gazans by deliberately and nefariously placing its infrastructure and armaments among civilians and crowded neighborhoods and cities throughout the Gaza Strip.

The group gives itself the right to be anywhere it deems necessary in Gaza because the interests of the "resistance" far outweigh any harm done to innocent civilians in pursuit of the supposed "greater good" and the "liberation of Palestine."

Hamas's immoral decision to normalize the self-described "human shields" strategy has not only been incredibly destructive for Gaza's civilian population. It has also proved ineffective as the IDF loosened its rules of engagement to allow for more risky and deadly strikes on Hamas targets.

What began as Nizar Rayan's human shields strategy to protect militants' houses from Israeli bombing has sadly and ironically ended up with Hamas turning innocent and uninvolved Gaza civilians into its own "collateral damage."
@Newsweek Here's a 2006 Guardian article describing Hamas's self-described strategy; they literally called it the human shields tactic and over time, began using this principle/doctrine in their defensive posture.
theguardian.com/world/2006/nov…
Read 5 tweets
Jan 28
So if millions of $$ in UNRWA funding were just cut, can we instead please get the @WFP, @Refugees and other @UN agencies to do dispersed food airdrops throughout Gaza to address the hunger/starvation crisis & allow aid to reach desperate Gazans being failed by centralized distribution?Image
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Read 5 tweets

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