Tom Bonier Profile picture
Jun 25 22 tweets 6 min read Read on X
On the 2nd anniversary of the Dobbs decision, I figured I'd share a reminder of how abortion rights has become the most powerful single issue in politics, and is likely more salient now than it was in 2022.
When the decision was handed down two years ago today, it was a shock but not a surprise, given the leak several weeks earlier. We were left with an open question of how it might impact the 2022 elections. The first answer would come 39 days later, from Kansas of all places.
This election was chosen to be unfavorable to abortion rights, a GOP state in a traditionally low turnout election. The only public poll showed the constitutional amendment contest very close. I remember seeing this tweet not long after polls closed:
I wasn't shocked by the result, again, polls showed it close. But I was surprised that the margin was seemingly so large for the pro-abortion rights side that Wasserman could call it so quickly. I immediately set out to understand how this transpired.
Looking at new voter registrations in KS between the Dobbs decision and the primary registration deadline, I found a stat that I assumed I had miscalculated. So I ran it again and again. The same thing every time. Almost 70% of Kansans registering to vote were women.
I shared that finding in a tweet and a hastily assembled chart the next day. To be clear, I have never seen a registration surge among any specific group like this before, and don't expect to again. Image
The next day I ran a count of new registrants by gender in a few other states and found that substantial gaps were emerging in some places (WI, MI, CO), but not others (NY). This was the first sign of what we would see happen in November, an uneven effect.
Image
Two weeks later, Democrats won a special election to the US House in Alaska. Then another the following week in upstate New York, where the Democratic candidate ran on abortion, and urged Dems to run fearlessly on the issue nytimes.com/2022/08/24/us/…
In early Sept of '22 I wrote this NYT opinion piece stating my belief that abortion had reshaped the midterm elections, presenting the ample evidence from the August elections. Most of the political establishment seemed sold. nytimes.com/2022/09/03/opi…
Fast forward to October 17th. The NYT released its latest national poll, with shocking results. Independent women, who gave Dems a 14 pt margin in their September survey, had supposedly swung to give GOPs an 18 pt advantage.
What happened next should have been (and still should be) a cautionary tale when it comes to poll subgroup driven media narratives being treated as reality. This article, and the pictured paragraphs below especially. nytimes.com/2022/10/17/us/…
Image
Given the strong track record of the NYT poll, the results were taken as gospel for many. Dems had overplayed their hands on abortion, failing to focus on the economy and immigration, and were paying the price. Abortion had faded as a salient political issue, or so we were told.
I encountered this myself, when appearing on a panel on a CNN program opposite a GOP consultant. When I spoke about how I believed abortion rights would change the election, the host asked if that was plausible, given how long ago the Dobbs decision was.
Those polls were wrong. While the narrative today is that the '22 polls were historically accurate, the reality is they failed when depicting what issues were most salient. Nate Cohn later referred to this error as on par with the misses of '16. Image
So what happened in the '22 elections? In states and races where abortion rights were perceived as at stake, Democrats overperformed massively. MI, PA, WI, AZ, etc.. but elsewhere (NY, CA, etc), the election was as you would have expected in a "normal" midterm.
The lesson was clear - Democrats must put abortion rights on the ballot everywhere, be it literally, or figuratively through the messaging of the candidate campaigns.
In '23 I wrote a follow-up to my original NYT piece, making the case that abortion rights had only increased in salience. By then we had seen how GOPs had failed to run from their record on the issue in VA, and lost by massive margins in an OH amendment. nytimes.com/2023/11/10/opi…
This year we had our first sign of the issue expanding into places where it hadn't reached in '22. The special election to fill George Santos' NY district saw Dems communicating heavily on abortion rights, and outperforming the polls and past precedent massively (and winning).
Here we are, two years later. There is little to celebrate in this post-Dobbs hellscape where millions of women remain deprived of a fundamental human right, thanks to Donald Trump's extremist judges, and GOP elected officials around the country. But there's also hope.
That hope comes from the many Americans who are organizing around this issue, fearlessly, holding Republicans accountable, making it clear that it isn't nearly enough to not pass a national ban, and that nothing short of restoring rights will be enough.
This is why I am confident that abortion rights will be even more salient in the 2024 elections, and those who run on the right side of the issue will stand a far better chance of winning.
Sorry, I went on a lot longer than I meant to, there's just a lot of data to share!

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More from @tbonier

May 2
Debunking the popular theory that Nikki Haley's relatively substantial support in GOP primaries has been due to Dem leaning voters flooding the GOP primary vote, thereby suggesting that Haley's strong showing isn't actually a bad sign for Trump...
We recently analyzed the GOP primary individual turnout history in the NC primary. Haley won 23% there. Looking at the unaffiliated voters who comprised one-third of the GOP vote, there is no indication that these voters were Dems seeking to stop Trump.
They were not substantially younger than the GOP voters (41% over 65 vs 45% among reg GOPs). They were overwhelmingly white (94% of Inds vs 97% of GOPs), and were actually more likely to be men (51% of Ind GOP primary voters vs 50% of GOPs).
Read 4 tweets
Apr 18
Here's my grand* unified theory of this presidential race, and why I feel like the Biden team should feel pretty good about their standing:

*this is not all that novel or deep
Polls are consistently showing Biden faring much better among "likely voters" relative to all registered voters or American adults. We can quibble about what a likely voter is, but the same thing is apparent if you filter on past turnout history.
If I can channel @DougJBalloon (and invert things), here's why this is good news for Biden:
Read 8 tweets
Mar 13
I've got a few mins, so I'll share my observations as I go through the new Suffolk poll released this morning.

suffolk.edu/-/media/suffol…
On the first page of tabs, a look at the sample. Remember, this is registered voters. So voters age 65+ are 22% of this poll's sample, but will be closer to 35% of ballots cast. More in a second on what that means... Image
On Biden's job approval, you get the first sign of what I'd call "age inversion". The older the voter, the more likely it is they approve of the job the President is doing. This isn't new, but traditionally younger voters would be stronger. Image
Read 18 tweets
Mar 3
Lots of fun dismissive jokes today about "crosstab truthing" towards anyone raising any concerns about this poll, but this is perhaps the more insidious counterweight to questioning crosstabs: lending them lots of credibility when they support your priors, ignore when they don't.
If you're going to write a story about how Biden is hurting with young voters based on one poll, shouldn't you write a follow up story now talking about how Biden has miraculously rallied back support among young voters? (trick question, you should write neither)
"Crosstab truthing" isn't the problem. Crosstab credence is. Remember in 2022 when, prior to the election, many stories were written about supposed wild swings to the GOP among independent women? Crosstab credence was to blame.
Read 6 tweets
Feb 18
Some of the loudest messaging right now is Dems/progs demanding that we all admit that Biden is old, and "deal with it".

Here's a newsflash - everyone is aware of his age. I understand why it might worry you, because the stakes are so high. But what are we asking for here?
Not a single voter will be convinced to change their mind if they think Biden's age is a concern. They can be convinced of two things:

- All evidence suggests he has been a very capable president, regardless

- The alternative is far, far worse

So maybe let's focus on that?
These Dem voices are a problem. They validate more press coverage and keep the message front and center. If we are talking about signs of aging, Trump is clearly far worse, yet you don't see those stories written because GOPers don't handwring about it endlessly.
Read 5 tweets
Feb 12
NY3 Special Election Eve Wrap Up Thread:

The early in person votes have all been cast now, with >60k votes ready to be counted. By party reg they are +10 Dem (ie, the share of early votes cast by reg Dems is 10 pts higher than that of GOPs). That's a 2.8 pt improvement on '22.
The mail votes will continue to trickle in over the coming days, but I wouldn't expect to see more than a few thousand more come in. About 13k have been returned, and by party reg they are +29D, compared to +26 in '22.
So the early vote overall is just under two points more Dem than it was in '22. The most common question I've heard over the past few days is if Dems lost the seat by 7.5 pts, does a roughly 3 pt improvement in the early vote mean they are running behind?
Read 9 tweets

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