Trump v. US thread.
Opinion below.
Bottom line #1: I agree that a Jan 6 trial cannot happen before the election (That was almost certain when the Court took this case)
2/ The Court remanded the case.
Commentators are overlooking the Court's emphasis on "presumptive immunity," rather than "absolute immunity."
See Chief Justice Roberts's concise summary at p. 6 below.
This presumption still opens a big door for trial court evidentiary hearings.
3/ The Court holds "absolute immunity" for "core constitutional powers" (p. 6 above).
But what are those "core" powers?
p. 8: "Congress cannot act on, and courts cannot examine, the President’s actions on subjects within his 'conclusive and preclusive' constitutional authority."
4/ p. 9: "Congress may not criminalize the Pres’s actions within his exclusive constitutional power. Neither may the courts adjudicate... We thus conclude the Pres is absolutely immune from criminal prosecution for conduct within his exclusive sphere of constitutional authority."
5/ Elevating @lsolum's framing & my replies:
My new research shows:
A. lack of historical clarity about which powers were "exclusive";
B. "Exec power," while not an empty vessel, was still so unclear & overlapping that "exclusive" is a small textual set.
@lsolum 6/ p. 9: "The reasons that justify the Pres’s absolute immunity from criminal prosecution for acts within the scope of Pres exclusive authority therefore do not extend to conduct in areas where authority is shared with Congress."
I think the history shows much shared authority.
7/ Here is a preview of my historical research @SSRN
See Part I of this paper, p. 10-20, forthcoming @NotreDameLRev, which previews a longer legal history article, "The Un-Separation of Powers," forthcoming this summer. papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cf…
8/ I want to pause and emphasize the failure of Chief Justice Roberts achieve unanimity - as the Burger Court did in U.S. v. Nixon - or even win 1 vote from the other ideological side.
In my early read, the 3 moderate/left signaled space for consensus, and Roberts failed.
9/ p. 14-15:
"But as we explain below, the current stage of the proceedings in this case does not require us to decide whether this immunity is presumptive or absolute. See Part III–B, infra. [O]ne case...does not afford enough experience” to determine scope of immunity."
10/ The Court finds some "exclusive" executive powers, based on repeating its huge historical errors on the meaning of "executive power," repeating Scalia's infamous mistakes about govt. prosecution and removal.
p. 20 is a whopper, but it doesn't block this case:
11/ This description of Myers above confuses holding and dicta, and this interpretation of Art II has been thoroughly debunked.
This repeating of its ideological assumptions about removal is shameless and ignores the historical evidence.
12/ This conclusion at p. 21 that the President's supervision of DOJ is "absolutely immune"...
is anti-originalist and ahistorical nonsense, but it also is just a small part of the much broader Jan 6 case against Trump:
13/ There is one exchange about "official acts" and bribery, in which Barrett shows the basic common sense that Roberts etc. lack.
Barrett on the left, Roberts footnote on p.32 on right:
Roberts staggeringly obtuse & reveals the fuzziness of his "official acts" distinctions:
14/ Other than these 2 (made-up) Art II powers of prosecutorial supervision and removal, the Court didn’t identify other “core” “exclusive” presidential powers…
Or give guidance about how to interpret “core” “exclusive.”
This big door for Trump hearings is a big silver lining.
15/ Readers are asking for more specifics about what Jack Smith could still pursue in DC trial court and in evidentiary hearings in Aug-Sept-Oct.
The answer:
Almost everything is still on the table.
Jan 6 Indictment here: upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/comm…
16/ Pausing to note a clear opportunity for - and judicial duty to write - a common sense per curiam...
between Justice Barrett's concurrence and the dissenters' (apparent) acceptance of "presumptive immunity" for Nixon v. Fitzgerald's "outer periphery" of Pres power...
17/ I've emphasized silver linings, but I'm also shocked that Roberts went so far to the right of that reasonable middle ground between Barrett & the dissenters.
The majority is a stunningly dangerous, extreme, anti-originalist unsupported view of presidential power and impunity.
18/ The remand to trial leaves almost the entire indictment and most of the factual allegations on the table,
Like the fake elector scheme.
Only a small set of facts and allegations (communications with DOJ officials, threats of removal) are immunized and inadmissible.
19/ Join us tomorrow for a full conversation, starting 1 pm ET.
I'll be live-tweeting tonight's debate, to the extent that I can keep up and have the stomach for it.
🧵 1/ I note that Donald Trump has already lost the expectations pre-game, which may (or may not) be a big deal. politicalwire.com/2024/06/27/mor…
2/ "A @nytimes Siena College poll found 60% of registered voters thought Trump would perform 'very' or 'somewhat' well in tonight’s debate. Only 46% said the same of Biden.
Overall, nearly half of voters anticipated a poor showing for Biden."
Low expectations. Maybe good news?
@nytimes 3/ I'm sorry this matters, but Biden has a frog in his throat, and even when he cleared the frog, his voice is flat and monotone. His answer on inflation is fine substantively, but the vocals are really not good.
His answer was good.
But he sounds weak.
@RickPildes 3/ Barrett picked up on the Special Counsel's argument of the absurdity that crim statutes need a clear statement, if only a tiny number of statutes include (she said only three or so). Surely Congress did not mean for presidents to be broadly immune so generally from crim law.
At @FedSoc National Student Convention, @NoahRFeldman is telling this audience that the formalist separation of powers & Scalia’s Morrison dissent are anti-originalist and dangerous…
And he’s crushing it. He is quoting Madison Federalist 47-51 and the audience is uncomfortable.
@FedSoc @Harvard_Law 3/ @NoahRFeldman says the Constitution’s original structure is functionalism and “checks and balance,” not formal “separation of powers.”
I haven’t put the point this strongly, but my research shows he’s more right than wrong.
And more historically correct than Scalia.
Thank you @NotreDameLRev (Vol. 100) for accepting "Venality and Functionality: A Strangely Practical History of Selling Offices, Administrative Independence, and Limited Presidential Power."
I'm deeply honored & excited to work with you!
#newlawrevarticles papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cf…
3/ My @SSRN draft "Freehold Offices v. Despotic Displacement" has more detail on:
The Opinions Clause;
The Ratification Debates;
Common law default rules for "good cause" removal; Charts on the Founders' Bookshelf & 18th C. English dictionaries: papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cf…
My good friend Jeff Cohen (@BCLAW prof. former prosecutor) persuaded me that I was wrong about a criticism of the @ManhattanDA case against Trump:
These purely internal records like paystubs could count for intent to defraud.
1/
2/ Last April, I wrote in @nytimes:
"What, in practice, is the meaning of 'intent to defraud'? If a business record is internal, it is not obvious how a false filing could play a role in defrauding if other entities likely would not rely upon it and be deceived by it."
See below:
@nytimes 3/ The statutes 175.05 & .10 require:
"falsifying business records...with intent to defraud."
A false tax return or FEC filing would defraud the govt, but I asked how a pay stub would defraud anyone if no one ever relies on it or even looks at it: nytimes.com/2023/04/05/opi…