Perhaps the most ridiculous part of the Immunity opinion was Part III-C, where the Court held that not only was much official conduct immunized, but immunized conduct couldn’t even be used as EVIDENCE to prosecute conduct that wasn’t immunized.
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It’s the point on which Justice Coney Barrett defected to the dissenters. It’s a thinly supported evidentiary privilege masquerading as immunity, but it’s also got deeper incoherence. The best way to understand it is through the relationship among immunity, bribes, & pardons.
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The idea that official-acts immunity would protect a president from a prosecution for a bribes-for-pardons scheme was, many thought, a devastating argument against official-acts immunity. (Chief Justice Roberts appeared to be one of those people at Oral Argument, ironically.)
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On the primary rule of immunity, the conduct of granting the pardon couldn’t be criminalized, but the *agreement* to bribe could be.
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But then the Court has this wacky, secondary rule of evidence – that an official act that gets immunity ALSO can’t be used as EVIDENCE to show intent or state of mind with respect to some other crime.
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So on any reasonable reading of the rule, the pardon couldn’t even be introduced of evidence that POTUS knew about/intended the scheme. This is ACB’s point in her concurrence:
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This is obviously an absurd result, so the Chief tries to wriggle free with a response that renders the secondary rule completely unintelligible. He says:
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So a restatement of the Court’s position is something like this: “immunized conduct cannot be used as evidence to prove private conduct, except through certain evidence of immunized conduct.”
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What? (The proposition that you can’t introduce evidence on motive doesn’t make the Court’s point any clearer.)
It’s just completely unintelligible. So much so that it drew this caustic footnote from the dissent:
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Look, it just doesn’t make any sense. You can’t wave away the bribes-for-pardons problem by insisting that a court could look to extrinsic evidence and ALSO
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insist on a rule that evidence of immunized conduct can’t be used to show knowledge/intend in a prosecution for conduct that’s not immunized.
It’s one of the many rather ridiculous problems that are going to hamstring courts as they try to implement this ruling.
/e
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NO, FOR FUCK'S SAKE, THE NEW YORK CONVICTION'S NOT GETTING VACATED FOR PRESIDENTIAL IMMUNITY
(Unless SCOTUS gets involved.)
Merchan deferred the date and permitted briefing b/c he's a good judge and to deny argument on the issue would jeopardize the verdict more.
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T's basic argument is insipid. He wrote some checks to repay Cohen after he was President and then tweeted horrifically incriminating evidence that he understood the whole scheme.
Trump is pointing to a part of the Court's opinion saying that immunized presidential conduct can't be used as evidence for prosecution of private conduct. There are so many silly parts to this argument it's hard to know where to begin.
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Yesterday's opinion relentlessly favors the slightest increment increment of presidential prerogative over all competitor interests. It's a belligerence that's far more analytical than tonal, but it’s there.
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Consider the objections below in view of the 3 basic buckets: (1) “core” constitutional functions get absolute immunity; (2) official acts that are non-core get an immunity presumption that the State can overcome; and (3) unofficial (private) conduct gets no immunity.
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THE BUCKET 2 PROBLEM
The test for overcoming the presumption of immunity in bucket (2) is whether the State can show that criminalizing the act “would pose NO DANGER of intrusion on the authority and functions of the Executive Branch.”
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SUMMARY OF WHAT SCOTUS HELD IN IMMUNITY CASE (NO EDITORIALIZING UNTIL END)
Think three buckets:
First, absolute immunity for official acts that are core presidential functions (pardon, removal of executive officers);
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Second, presumptive immunity for official acts that are NOT core presidential functions (everything official that is not in (1)).
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That presumption is overcome by a showing that “applying a criminal prohibition to that act would pose no dangers of intrusion on the authority and functions of the Executive Branch.”; and
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TEXAS WANTS TO EXECUTE RAMIRO GONZALES ON WEDNESDAY
The death sentence was based on a prediction of future danger that has proven wrong. That’s a big constitutional problem, but no court can hear his claim – unless SCOTUS does something.
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Austin Sarat:
TX is the only state that bases death sentences on predictions of “future danger.” The leading clinical body long ago explained that affirmative findings of future danger are wrong about 2/3 of the time.
Gonzales was 18 in 2006, when he was sentenced and predicted to be a danger. His character arc, however, has been extraordinary. Turning to faith, he’s never been violent or threatened anyone, and is widely considered a force for good in the prison community.
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I've written a major article on this specific form of jurisdiction, & in so doing coded 1,673 original petitions. I've studied this particular power more than anyone else alive. ()
(1) even for cases in the right procedural posture, SCOTUS hasn't granted a prisoner original habeas relief since 1925 (ex parte grossman);
but this case isn't even in the right procedural posture because
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(2) federal habeas law requires state prisoners to exhaust state remedies before asking for habeas relief from a federal court, and Trump hasn't even started his state appeals;
It's stylized scenario b/c in this case, the 175.10 object offense was not a federal crime, but another state offense (15-172) that could be committed by unlawful means that included a federal crime (FECA).
But let's exaggerate it in Vivek's favor for illustrative purposes.
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Vivek is saying that the the President has the power to pardon the state offense in both scenarios because the state offense is logically premised on the federal offense.
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