Huw Edwards pleaded guilty to “making” 41 indecent photographs of a child.
The first point to note is that “making” is misleading - the offence was possessing them on a computer, rather than creating or recording the images. The law is grossly confusing in this area.
According to reports, Edwards was in possession of 7 Category A images, 12 Category B and 22 Category C images.
As to the categorisation of this type of material, see below:
Once the court has established the category of images, the Guideline specifies sentence starting points and ranges.
Possessing Category A images (the most serious) carries a starting point of 1 year’s custody, with a range from 26 weeks to 3 years.
There are then lists of aggravating and mitigating factors, which can move that starting point up or down within the range:
A relevant feature in mitigation was Edwards’ mental health. There was evidence (expert reports) relating to this. And there is a separate Guideline- Sentencing offenders with mental disorders, developmental disorders, or neurological impairments: sentencingcouncil.org.uk/overarching-gu…
If the court finds that a mental disorder acted to mitigate an offender’s culpability (see the Guideline above for details), this may serve to reduce the sentence.
Because he pleaded guilty at the earliest opportunity, Edwards was entitled to one third off his sentence.
It seems that the judge took a starting point of 12 months, reduced to 9 months for mitigation, and reduced by a further third for guilty plea, to arrive at six months.
That of course is not the end of it.
Any prison sentence of 2 years or less can be suspended. Under what circumstances? Yep, another Guideline I’m afraid, setting out factors for a court to consider.
In Edwards’ case, he had been assessed by Probation (as most offenders are prior to sentence). He was apparently a low risk of reoffending. It was argued that he had strong personal mitigation.
Applying the Guideline, the judge suspended the sentence.
Now, as ever - and I cannot say this frequently or loudly enough - the fact that the Guidelines and the law have been followed does not, of course, mean people can’t reasonably disagree with the sentence.
Many will think offences of this type should always attract prison.
However, the question has been raised as to whether Huw Edwards has received “special” or “two tier” treatment.
The answer is unequivocally “No”.
As somebody who has prosecuted and defended more of these cases than I can recall, this is the very outcome I would have expected.
It is common for first-time offenders, even in cases as serious as this, to receive suspended sentences. Which many people outside the system understandably find shocking.
It’s something I’ve written about in #NothingButTheTruth
But special treatment? Two tier justice?
Absolute nonsense.
From all the information available, Huw Edwards has been treated exactly as any defendant in his position would expect to be treated.
UPDATE:
Full sentencing remarks in the case of Huw Edwards are now available. Required reading for anybody expressing an opinion on this case. judiciary.uk/wp-content/upl…
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Here is a list of reasons why some of my hearings and trials this year have been delayed and kicked off into the long grass, stuck in our record court backlog. Serious allegations which will now be tried *years* after the event. 🧵👇
1. The defendant not being produced at court from prison. 🚚
A classic. It happens due to the private contractors simply not bothering, knowing that the contracts negotiated by government include no meaningful penalty for failure.
Trials every day in every court are affected.
2. The court forgetting to book an interpreter for a defendant.
Another perennial. Every day in every court building.
See also: the court booking an interpreter, and the interpreter just not turning up.
As ever, the usual disclaimer applies. This is an explanation of the law. Not a defence. If that distinction is beyond you, for your own welfare turn back now.
The Mail reports that a man who raped a 13 year-old girl has been deemed “not a dangerous person” by a judge, who accordingly declined to pass an “extended sentence”. The offender instead was sentenced to a determinate (i.e. standard) sentence of 7 years.
Something that the Lucy Connolly case has illustrated - something that is well known to those who work in criminal justice but often overlooked in public debate - is the complexity and nuance in the lives and characters of people appearing before the courts.
A short 🧵👇
Public discussion is obsessed with othering “criminals”.
Bad, irredeemable, monstrous and deserving of as much punishment as the courts can give.
Mitigation is merely lawyerly excuses. They’ve done wrong, ergo they should be locked up.
This worldview is why there has been a sustained media campaign to minimise and excuse Connolly’s offending.
It’s just a “ill advised tweet”. “Hurty words” from a grieving mother. A trivial mistake. Her conviction is an establishment stitch-up.
Why might there be a delay in the details of a police investigation being made public?
Well, many reasons. None of which relate to a conspiracy or a “cover-up”.
Let’s take a quick look🧵👇
First there are the practicalities of modern investigations, particularly in serious and complex cases where the police are reviewing multiple digital devices, such as mobile phones and computers.
Sometimes a device is encrypted, or a suspect won’t give their PIN, which makes it more time-consuming for the police to access the device. If/when they do, a mobile phone “download” can contain tens if not hundreds of thousands of pages to review. This takes time.
The thread offers a hypothetical of a person breaking a car window to rescue a child, only to find themselves charged with criminal damage and prevented by the judge from mentioning this critical circumstance to the jury.
Just like climate activists.
Only…it’s false.
If you’re sitting cosily for a law lecture (and who among us is not?), the issue arises from one of the legal defences available to criminal damage.
It is a defence if you believe the owner consented or *would have consented* had they known of the damage and its circumstances.
As the issue of compensation for miscarriages of justice is rightly in the news, it’s timely to note that in 2014, the government changed the law to make it all but impossible for people wrongly convicted and imprisoned to claim compensation.
Chris Grayling and Theresa May led the charge to deprive the wrongly convicted of compensation, changing the rules so that those people had to effectively prove their innocence - an impossible standard to meet.
The details are in Stories of The Law & How It’s Broken.
When this spiteful non-compensation scheme was challenged in the courts, the current crop of politicians - those who are now positioning themselves as champions of the wrongfully convicted - fought all the way to uphold it.