Huw Edwards pleaded guilty to “making” 41 indecent photographs of a child.
The first point to note is that “making” is misleading - the offence was possessing them on a computer, rather than creating or recording the images. The law is grossly confusing in this area.
According to reports, Edwards was in possession of 7 Category A images, 12 Category B and 22 Category C images.
As to the categorisation of this type of material, see below:
Once the court has established the category of images, the Guideline specifies sentence starting points and ranges.
Possessing Category A images (the most serious) carries a starting point of 1 year’s custody, with a range from 26 weeks to 3 years.
There are then lists of aggravating and mitigating factors, which can move that starting point up or down within the range:
A relevant feature in mitigation was Edwards’ mental health. There was evidence (expert reports) relating to this. And there is a separate Guideline- Sentencing offenders with mental disorders, developmental disorders, or neurological impairments: sentencingcouncil.org.uk/overarching-gu…
If the court finds that a mental disorder acted to mitigate an offender’s culpability (see the Guideline above for details), this may serve to reduce the sentence.
Because he pleaded guilty at the earliest opportunity, Edwards was entitled to one third off his sentence.
It seems that the judge took a starting point of 12 months, reduced to 9 months for mitigation, and reduced by a further third for guilty plea, to arrive at six months.
That of course is not the end of it.
Any prison sentence of 2 years or less can be suspended. Under what circumstances? Yep, another Guideline I’m afraid, setting out factors for a court to consider.
In Edwards’ case, he had been assessed by Probation (as most offenders are prior to sentence). He was apparently a low risk of reoffending. It was argued that he had strong personal mitigation.
Applying the Guideline, the judge suspended the sentence.
Now, as ever - and I cannot say this frequently or loudly enough - the fact that the Guidelines and the law have been followed does not, of course, mean people can’t reasonably disagree with the sentence.
Many will think offences of this type should always attract prison.
However, the question has been raised as to whether Huw Edwards has received “special” or “two tier” treatment.
The answer is unequivocally “No”.
As somebody who has prosecuted and defended more of these cases than I can recall, this is the very outcome I would have expected.
It is common for first-time offenders, even in cases as serious as this, to receive suspended sentences. Which many people outside the system understandably find shocking.
It’s something I’ve written about in #NothingButTheTruth
But special treatment? Two tier justice?
Absolute nonsense.
From all the information available, Huw Edwards has been treated exactly as any defendant in his position would expect to be treated.
UPDATE:
Full sentencing remarks in the case of Huw Edwards are now available. Required reading for anybody expressing an opinion on this case. judiciary.uk/wp-content/upl…
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The thread offers a hypothetical of a person breaking a car window to rescue a child, only to find themselves charged with criminal damage and prevented by the judge from mentioning this critical circumstance to the jury.
Just like climate activists.
Only…it’s false.
If you’re sitting cosily for a law lecture (and who among us is not?), the issue arises from one of the legal defences available to criminal damage.
It is a defence if you believe the owner consented or *would have consented* had they known of the damage and its circumstances.
As the issue of compensation for miscarriages of justice is rightly in the news, it’s timely to note that in 2014, the government changed the law to make it all but impossible for people wrongly convicted and imprisoned to claim compensation.
Chris Grayling and Theresa May led the charge to deprive the wrongly convicted of compensation, changing the rules so that those people had to effectively prove their innocence - an impossible standard to meet.
The details are in Stories of The Law & How It’s Broken.
When this spiteful non-compensation scheme was challenged in the courts, the current crop of politicians - those who are now positioning themselves as champions of the wrongfully convicted - fought all the way to uphold it.
Can highly recommend this piece in today’s Sunday Times if you’re looking for a facile misunderstanding of what a barrister actually does.
If Mr Syed had bothered to speak to a barrister, or indulge in the most cursory research, he would have learned at least two things: 🧵
1. 90% of a barrister’s career is spent on making decisions. Advising on courses of action, of legal risk, future consequences, assessing evidence and making split-second judgement calls (both in and out of court) that can make an irrevocable decision to a person’s life.
2. It’s an obvious one, and an old favourite, but given that it seems to take Mr Syed by surprise:
BARRISTERS ARE NOT THEIR CLIENTS.
We ask questions in court and test evidence, on behalf of whoever instructs us, because that is our job.
Readers are invited to conclude that £100,000 (£100,028, to be precise) is too much to spend on this very serious case, in which an MP was murdered. A “ridiculous amount of money”, we’re reliably told by Conservative MP @nigelmills.
Well let’s see.
The first teeny, tiny point - and I really am being picky - is that, despite @nigelmills confidently asserting that the defendant “admitted the killing”, that’s not actually true. Not really.
Because the same article tells us that he denied murder and had a 7-day trial.
A final (for now) word on my colleagues who don’t and can’t prosecute criminal cases, but are performatively declaring that they *won’t* prosecute certain types of cases.
This second paragraph vividly illustrates the danger to which they are exposing us criminal practitioners.
The whole point of the cab rank rule is that it provides the answer to the question: “How can you represent [X]?”, when X is an unpopular client or cause.
The minute we are perceived to be picking and choosing between “good” and “bad” defendants, it all breaks down.
It means - as the activists explicitly state - that other barristers can be targeted. “Your colleagues refuse to represent X, so why are you?”
It aligns us personally with our clients.
It exposes those of us who defend & prosecute the most dangerous criminals to very real risk